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The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) has proposed new rules that would effectively end the public’s ability to challenge improperly granted patents at their source—the Patent Office itself. If these rules take effect, they will hand patent trolls exactly what they’ve been chasing for years: a way to keep bad patents alive and out of reach. People targeted with troll lawsuits will be left with almost no realistic or affordable way to defend themselves.

We need EFF supporters to file public comments opposing these rules right away. The deadline for public comments is December 2. The USPTO is moving quickly, and staying silent will only help those who profit from abusive patents.

TAKE ACTION

Tell USPTO: The public has a right to challenge bad patents

We’re asking supporters who care about a fair patent system to file comments using the federal government’s public comment system. Your comments don’t need to be long, or use legal or technical vocabulary. The important thing is that everyday users and creators of technology have the chance to speak up, and be counted.

Below is a short, simple comment you can copy and paste. Your comment will carry more weight if you add a personal sentence or two of your own. Please note that comments should be submitted under your real name and will become part of the public record.

Sample comment:

I oppose the USPTO’s proposed rule changes for inter partes review (IPR), Docket No. PTO-P-2025-0025. The IPR process must remain open and fair. Patent challenges should be decided on their merits, not shut out because of legal activity elsewhere. These rules would make it nearly impossible for the public to challenge bad patents, and that will harm innovation and everyday technology users.

Why This Rule Change Matters

Inter partes review, (IPR), isn’t perfect. It hasn’t eliminated patent trolling, and it’s not available in every case. But it is one of the few practical ways for ordinary developers, small companies, nonprofits, and creators to challenge a bad patent without spending millions of dollars in federal court. That’s why patent trolls hate it—and why the USPTO’s new rules are so dangerous.

IPR isn’t easy or cheap, but compared to years of litigation, it’s a lifeline. When the system works, it removes bogus patents from the table for everyone, not just the target of a single lawsuit.

IPR petitions are decided by the Patent Trial and Appeal Board (PTAB), a panel of specialized administrative judges inside the USPTO. Congress designed IPR to provide a fresh, expert look at whether a patent should have been granted in the first place—especially when strong prior art surfaces. Unlike full federal trials, PTAB review is faster, more technical, and actually accessible to small companies, developers, and public-interest groups.

Here are three real examples of how IPR protected the public:

The “Podcasting Patent” (Personal Audio)

Personal Audio claimed it had “invented” podcasting and demanded royalties from audio creators using its so-called podcasting patent. EFF crowdsourced prior art, filed an IPR, and ultimately knocked out the patent—benefiting the entire podcasting world.

Under the new rules, this kind of public-interest challenge could easily be blocked based on procedural grounds like timing, before the PTAB even examines the patent.

SportBrain’s “upload your fitness data” patent

SportBrain sued more than 80 companies over a patent that claimed to cover basic gathering of user data and sending it over a network. A panel of PTAB judges canceled every claim.

Under the new rules, this patent could have survived long enough to force dozens more companies to pay up.

Shipping & Transit: a troll that sued hundreds of businesses

For more than a decade, Shipping & Transit sued companies over extremely broad “delivery notifications”patents. After repeated losses at PTAB and in court (including fee awards), the company finally collapsed.

Under the new rules, a troll like this could keep its patents alive and continue carpet-bombing small businesses with lawsuits.

IPR hasn’t ended patent trolling. But when a troll waves a bogus patent at hundreds or thousands of people, IPR is one of the only tools that can actually fix the underlying problem: the patent itself. It dismantles abusive patent monopolies that never should have existed, saving entire industries from predatory litigation. That’s exactly why patent trolls and their allies have fought so hard to shut it down. They’ve failed to dismantle IPR in court or in Congress—and now they’re counting on the USPTO’s own leadership to do it for them.

What the USPTO Plans To Do

First, they want you to give up your defenses in court. Under this proposal, a defendant can’t file an IPR unless they promise to never challenge the patent’s validity in court.

For someone actually being sued or threatened with patent infringement, that’s simply not a realistic promise to make. The choice would be: use IPR and lose your defenses—or keep your defenses and lose IPR.

Second, the rules allow patents to become “unchallengeable” after one prior fight. That’s right. If a patent survives any earlier validity fight, anywhere, these rules would block everyone else from bringing an IPR, even years later and even if new prior art surfaces. One early decision—even one that’s poorly argued, or didn’t have all the evidence—would block the door on the entire public.

Third, the rules will block IPR entirely if a district court case is projected to move faster than PTAB.

So if a troll sues you with one of the outrageous patents we’ve seen over the years, like patents on watching an ad, showing picture menus, or clocking in to work, the USPTO won’t even look at it. It’ll be back to the bad old days, where you have exactly one way to beat the troll (who chose the court to sue in)—spend millions on experts and lawyers, then take your chances in front of a federal jury.

The USPTO claims this is fine because defendants can still challenge patents in district court. That’s misleading. A real district-court validity fight costs millions of dollars and takes years. For most people and small companies, that’s no opportunity at all.

Only Congress Can Rewrite IPR

IPR was created by Congress in 2013 after extensive debate. It was meant to give the public a fast, affordable way to correct the Patent Office’s own mistakes. Only Congress—not agency rulemaking—can rewrite that system.

The USPTO shouldn’t be allowed to quietly undermine IPR with procedural traps that block legitimate challenges.

Bad patents still slip through every year. The Patent Office issues hundreds of thousands of new patents annually. IPR is one of the only tools the public has to push back.

These new rules rely on the absurd presumption that it’s the defendants—the people and companies threatened by questionable patents—who are abusing the system with multiple IPR petitions, and that they should be limited to one bite at the apple.

That’s utterly upside-down. It’s patent trolls like Shipping & Transit and Personal Audio that have sued, or threatened, entire communities of developers and small businesses.

When people have evidence that an overbroad patent was improperly granted, that evidence should be heard. That’s what Congress intended. These rules twist that intent beyond recognition.

In 2023, more than a thousand EFF supporters spoke out and stopped an earlier version of this proposal—your comments made the difference then, and they can again.

Our principle is simple: the public has a right to challenge bad patents. These rules would take that right away. That’s why it’s vital to speak up now.

TAKE ACTION

Sample comment:

I oppose the USPTO’s proposed rule changes for inter partes review (IPR), Docket No. PTO-P-2025-0025. The IPR process must remain open and fair. Patent challenges should be decided on their merits, not shut out because of legal activity elsewhere. These rules would make it nearly impossible for the public to challenge bad patents, and that will harm innovation and everyday technology users.

Joe Mullin

Strengthen Colorado’s AI Act

EFF update

1 day 3 hours ago

Powerful institutions are using automated decision-making against us. Landlords use it to decide who gets a home. Insurance companies use it to decide who gets health care. ICE uses it to decide who must submit to location tracking by electronic monitoring. Bosses use it to decide who gets fired, and to predict who is organizing a union or planning to quit. Bosses even use AI to assess the body language and voice tone of job candidates. And these systems often discriminate based on gender, race, and other protected statuses.

Fortunately, workers, patients, and renters are resisting.

In 2024, Colorado enacted a limited but crucial step forward against automated abuse: the AI Act (S.B. 24-205). We commend the labor, digital rights, and other advocates who have worked to enact and protect it. Colorado recently delayed the Act’s effective date to June 30, 2026.

EFF looks forward to enforcement of the Colorado AI Act, opposes weakening or further delaying it, and supports strengthening it.

What the Colorado AI Act Does

The Colorado AI Act is a good step in the right direction. It regulates “high risk AI systems,” meaning machine-based technologies that are a “substantial factor” in deciding whether a person will have access to education, employment, loans, government services, healthcare, housing, insurance, or legal services. An AI-system is a “substantial factor” in those decisions if it assisted in the decision and could alter its outcome. The Act’s protections include transparency, due process, and impact assessments.

The Act is a solid foundation. Still, EFF urges Colorado to strengthen it

Transparency. The Act requires “developers” (who create high-risk AI systems) and “deployers” (who use them) to provide information to the general public and affected individuals about these systems, including their purposes, the types and sources of inputs, and efforts to mitigate known harms. Developers and deployers also must notify people if they are being subjected to these systems. Transparency protections like these can be a baseline in a comprehensive regulatory program that facilitates enforcement of other protections.

Due process. The Act empowers people subjected to high-risk AI systems to exercise some self-help to seek a fair decision about them. A deployer must notify them of the reasons for the decision, the degree the system contributed to the decision, and the types and sources of inputs. The deployer also must provide them an opportunity to correct any incorrect inputs. And the deployer must provide them an opportunity to appeal, including with human review.

Impact assessments. The Act requires a developer, before providing a high-risk AI system to a deployer, to disclose known or reasonably foreseeable discriminatory harms by the system, and the intended use of the AI. In turn, the Act requires a deployer to complete an annual impact assessment for each of its high-risk AI systems, including a review of whether they cause algorithmic discrimination. A deployer also must implement a risk management program that is proportionate to the nature and scope of the AI, the sensitivity of the data it processes, and more. Deployers must regularly review their risk management programs to identify and mitigate any known or reasonably foreseeable risks of algorithmic discrimination. Impact assessment regulations like these can helpfully place a proactive duty on developers and deployers to find and solve problems, as opposed to doing nothing until an individual subjected to a high-risk system comes forward to exercise their rights.

How the Colorado AI Act Should Be Strengthened

The Act is a solid foundation. Still, EFF urges Colorado to strengthen it, especially in its enforcement mechanisms.

Private right of action. The Colorado AI Act grants exclusive enforcement to the state attorney general. But no regulatory agency will ever have enough resources to investigate and enforce all violations of a law, and many government agencies get “captured” by the industries they are supposed to regulate. So Colorado should amend its Act to empower ordinary people to sue the companies that violate their legal protections from high-risk AI systems. This is often called a “private right of action,” and it is the best way to ensure robust enforcement. For example, the people of Illinois and Texas on paper have similar rights to biometric privacy, but in practice the people of Illinois have far more enjoyment of this right because they can sue violators.

Civil rights enforcement. One of the biggest problems with high-risk AI systems is that they recurringly have an unfair disparate impact against vulnerable groups, and so one of the biggest solutions will be vigorous enforcement of civil rights laws. Unfortunately, the Colorado AI Act contains a confusing “rebuttable presumption” – that is, an evidentiary thumb on the scale – that may impede such enforcement. Specifically, if a deployer or developer complies with the Act, then they get a rebuttable presumption that they complied with the Act’s requirement of “reasonable care” to protect people from algorithmic discrimination. In practice, this may make it harder for a person subjected to a high-risk AI system to prove their discrimination claim. Other civil rights laws generally do not have this kind of provision. Colorado should amend its Act to remove it.

Next Steps

Colorado is off to an important start. Now it should strengthen its AI Act, and should not weaken or further delay it. Other states must enact their own laws. All manner of automated decision-making systems are unfairly depriving people of jobs, health care, and more.

EFF has long been fighting against such practices. We believe technology should improve everyone’s lives, not subject them to abuse and discrimination. We hope you will join us.

Adam Schwartz