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令和3年度市町村普通会計決算の概要

令和3年度都道府県普通会計決算の概要

令和3年度地方公共団体普通会計決算の概要

地域経済循環創造事業交付金（ローカル10,000プロジェクト）に関する交付団体の決定

情報通信審議会　情報通信技術分科会　新世代モバイル通信システム委員会　技術検討作業班（第29回）

令和4年度「異能vation」公募の結果等

情報通信審議会　情報通信技術分科会　陸上無線通信委員会（第77回）の開催について

令和3年度決算に基づく健全化判断比率・資金不足比率の概要（確報）

令和3年度の財政再生計画等の実施状況報告及び完了報告の概要

接続料の算定等に関する研究会（第65回）

地域づくり人材の養成に関する調査研究会（第2回）

総合職事務系説明会の情報を更新しました。

Yesterday, nearly 100 organizations have asked Congress not to pass the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA), which would “force providers to use invasive filtering and monitoring tools; jeopardize private, secure communications; incentivize increased data collection on children and adults; and undermine the delivery of critical services to minors by public agencies like schools.” EFF agrees. 

As we’ve said before, KOSA would not protect the privacy of children or adults, and would force technology companies to spy on young people and stop them from accessing content that is “not in their best interest,” as defined by the government, and interpreted by tech platforms. KOSA would also likely result in an elaborate age-verification system, run by a third-party, that maintains an enormous database of all internet users’ data. 

The letter continues: 

While KOSA has laudable goals, it also presents significant unintended consequences that threaten the privacy, safety, and access to information rights of young people and adults alike. We urge members of Congress not to move KOSA forward this session, either as a standalone bill or attached to other urgent legislation, and encourage members to work toward solutions that protect everyone’s rights to privacy and access to information and their ability to seek safe and trusted spaces to communicate online.

TAKE ACTION

TELL THE SENATE: VOTE NO TO CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE 

You can tell the Senate not to move forward with KOSA here. 

Power Up Your Donation Week is here! Right now, your contribution to the Electronic Frontier Foundation will have double the impact on digital privacy, security, and free speech rights for everyone.

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A Beacon in the Haze

Tech users face problems that shift as quickly as their digital tools. Sometimes the threat is a company’s sneaky methods to track your movements online. Other times it’s shortsighted lawmakers who overlook a dark future for your rights. Our digital world can be just as stormy as the one outside.

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Pack twice the punch for civil liberties and human rights online

The U.S.-Mexico border is one of the most politicized technological spaces in the country, with leaders in both political parties supporting massive spending on border security and the so-called "Virtual Wall." Yet we see little debate over the negative impacts for human rights or the civil liberties of those who live in the borderlands. Despite all the political and media attention devoted to the border, most people hoping to write about, research, or learn how to identify the myriad technologies situated have to rely on images released selectively by Customs & Border Protection, copyright-restricted photographs taken by corporate press outlets or promotional advertisements from the vendors themselves.

%3Ciframe%20src%3D%22https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FnleYJgKSQrY%3Fautoplay%3D1%26mute%3D1%22%20allow%3D%22accelerometer%3B%20autoplay%3B%20clipboard-write%3B%20encrypted-media%3B%20gyroscope%3B%20picture-in-picture%22%20allowfullscreen%3D%22%22%20width%3D%22560%22%20height%3D%22315%22%20frameborder%3D%220%22%3E%3C%2Fiframe%3E Privacy info. This embed will serve content from youtube.com

To address this information gap, EFF is releasing a series of images taken along the U.S. Mexico-Border in California, Arizona, and New Mexico under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 license, which means they are free to use, so long as credit is given to EFF (see EFF's Copyright policy).  Our goal is not only to ensure there are alternative and open sources of visual information to inform discourse, but to raise awareness of how surveillance is impacting communities along the border and the hundreds of millions of dollars being sunk into oppressive surveillance technologies.

Surveillance Towers

The images include various types of surveillance towers adopted by Customs & Border Protection over the last two decades: 

1. Integrated Fixed Towers (IFT). These structures are from the vendor Elbit Systems of America, part of an Israeli corporation that has come under criticism for its role in surveillance in Palestine.  Some IFT towers are built using the same infrastructure as the earlier Secure Border Initiative (SBInet) program, which was widely considered a multi-billion-dollar boondoggle and canceled in January 2011. While there may be different IFT models along the border, the most common versions combine electro-optical and infrared sensors and radar and use solar panels. 
2. Remote Video Surveillance Systems (RVSS). These structures from the vendor General Dynamics are most commonly, but not exclusively, found along the border fence. The platform at the top usually includes two sensor rigs with electro-optical and infrared cameras and a laser illuminator. The RVSS towers along the southwestern border (California, Arizona, New Mexico, and the El Paso area in Texas) differ in design than some of the RVSS models in south Texas; those are not included in this photo collection. 
3. Autonomous Surveillance Towers (AST). These "Sentry" towers are made by Anduril Industries, founded by Oculus-creator Palmer Luckey. According to CBP, an AST "scans the environment with radar to detect movement, orients a camera to the location of the movement detected by the radar, and analyzes the imagery using algorithms to autonomously identify items of interest." In July 2020, CBP announced plans to acquire a total of 200 of these systems by the end of Fiscal Year 2022, a deal worth $250 million. EFF is publishing an image of one of these new towers installed in New Mexico along State Road 9; previously Anduril towers were only known to be located in Southern California and South Texas. 
4. Mobile Surveillance Capabilities (MSC) from the vendor FLIR, which are surveillance towers mounted in the back of trucks so that they can be transported around or parked semi-permanently at particular locations. While CBP has used these trucks for many years, in early 2021 FLIR announced a new $21 million contract with CBP that will include additional units with new technologies "that can track up to 500 objects at once at ranges greater than 10 miles." While these trucks do move around the region, they are often parked in certain established areas, including next to permanent surveillance towers. 

CBP is currently in the early stages of the solicitation process for a massive expansion of this tower network on both the southern and northern border, according to an industry presentation from October. The "Integrated Surveillance Tower (IST) program is designed to "consolidate disparate surveillance tower systems under a single unified program structure and set of contracts," but it also contemplates upgrading 172 current RVSS towers and then adding 336 more, with the majority in California and Texas.

Tactical Aerostats

EFF's image set also includes two new tactical aerostats. First, the persistent ground surveillance (PGSS) tactical aerostat  that was launched without notice over the summer in Nogales, AZ, surprising and angering the local community. Secondly, we photographed a new aerostat in southern New Mexico that had not been previously reported. A third aerostat will soon be launched in Sasabe, AZ-with a total of 17 planned in the next fiscal year, according to a CBP report. 

These aerostats should not be confused with the "Tethered Aerostat Radar Systems," which are larger and permanently moored at air fields throughout the southern U.S. and Puerto Rico. TARS primarily use radar, while tactical aerostats  include "day and night cameras to provide persistent, low-altitude surveillance, with a maximum range of 3,000 feet above ground level," CBP says. Tactical aerostats are tethered to trailer-like platforms that can be moved to other locations within a Border Patrol's area of responsibility.

EFF and the Border

EFF's photographs were gathered up close when possible, and using a long-range lens when not, by EFF staff during two trips to the U.S.-Mexico border. In addition to capturing these images, EFF met with the residents, activists, humanitarian organizations, law enforcement officials, and journalists whose work is directly impacted by the expansion of surveillance technology in their communities. 

While officials in Washington, DC and state capitals talk in abstract and hyperbolic terms about a "virtual wall," there is nothing virtual at all about the surveillance for the people who live there. The towers break up the horizon and loom over their backyards. They can see the aerostats from the windows of their homes. This surveillance tech watches not just the border, and people crossing it, but also nearby towns and communities, on both sides, from air and the ground, and it can track them for miles, whether they're hiking, driving to visit relatives, or just minding their own business in solitude. 

People who live, work, and cross the border have rights. We hope these photographs document the degree to which freedoms and privacy have been curtailed for people in the borderlands.

A sample of the images is below. You can find the entire annotated collection here. 

An Anduril Sentry off CA-98 in Imperial County, CA

A Tactical Aerostat flying over State Road 9, Luna County, NM

An extreme close-up shot of the lens of an Integrated Fixed Tower (IFT) camera on Coronado Peak, Cochise County, AZ

A Mobile Surveillance Capability surveillance in Pima County, AZ

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　 戦後77年の報道で、ＪＣＪから特別賞を頂くのは大変光栄で身の引き締まる思いです。　来年、琉球新報は創刊１３０年ですが、戦時中沖縄３紙の新聞統合で「琉球新報」の題字は途絶え、戦後「うるま新報」として再出発。サンフランシスコ条約の１９５１年「琉球新報」に戻りました。 住民の４人に１人が亡くなった沖縄戦の間、新聞は戦意を煽り、大本営発表を垂れ流しました。私たちの報道の基盤は、このことへの深い..

This IGF is taking place when the effects of overlapping global crises such as the weakening of democracy, wars, and the worsening of the environmental situation and climate change are felt strongly but differently in different contexts. What does all this mean for internet governance?