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アリの一言：高市政権誕生ですすむ立憲民主の右転落

4 days 22 hours ago

Defending human rights amidst increasing gendered disinformation cases in Africa

4 days 22 hours ago

Gendered disinformation is emerging as a powerful tool to silence women and gender-diverse people in Africa, especially activists, journalists and politicians. Drawing from APC’s panel at FIFAfrica…

Sandra Aceng for GenderIT.org

License Plate Surveillance Logs Reveal Racist Policing Against Romani People

EFF update

5 days ago

More than 80 law enforcement agencies across the United States have used language perpetuating harmful stereotypes against Romani people when searching the nationwide Flock Safety automated license plate reader (ALPR) network, according to audit logs obtained and analyzed by the Electronic Frontier Foundation.

When police run a search through the Flock Safety network, which links thousands of ALPR systems, they are prompted to leave a reason and/or case number for the search. Between June 2024 and October 2025, cops performed hundreds of searches for license plates using terms such as "roma" and "g*psy," and in many instances, without any mention of a suspected crime. Other uses include "g*psy vehicle," "g*psy group," "possible g*psy," "roma traveler" and "g*psy ruse," perpetuating systemic harm by demeaning individuals based on their race or ethnicity.

These queries were run through thousands of police departments' systems—and it appears that none of these agencies flagged the searches as inappropriate.

These searches are, by definition, racist.

Word Choices and Flock Searches

We are using the terms "Roma" and “Romani people” as umbrella terms, recognizing that they represent different but related groups. Since 2020, the U.S. federal government has officially recognized "Anti-Roma Racism" as including behaviors such as "stereotyping Roma as persons who engage in criminal behavior" and using the slur "g*psy." According to the U.S. Department of State, this language “leads to the treatment of Roma as an alleged alien group and associates them with a series of pejorative stereotypes and distorted images that represent a specific form of racism.”

Nevertheless, police officers have run hundreds of searches for license plates using the terms "roma" and "g*psy." (Unlike the police ALPR queries we’ve uncovered, we substitute an asterisk for the Y to avoid repeating this racist slur). In many cases, these terms have been used on their own, with no mention of crime. In other cases, the terms have been used in contexts like "g*psy scam" and "roma burglary," when ethnicity should have no relevance to how a crime is investigated or prosecuted.

A “g*psy scam” and “roma burglary” do not exist in criminal law separate from any other type of fraud or burglary. Several agencies contacted by EFF have since acknowledged the inappropriate use and expressed efforts to address the issue internally.

"The use of the term does not reflect the values or expected practices of our department," a representative of the Palos Heights (IL) Police Department wrote to EFF after being confronted with two dozen searches involving the term "g*psy." "We do not condone the use of outdated or offensive terminology, and we will take this inquiry as an opportunity to educate those who are unaware of the negative connotation and to ensure that investigative notations and search reasons are documented in a manner that is accurate, professional, and free of potentially harmful language."

Of course, the broader issue is that allowing "g*psy" or "Roma" as a reason for a search isn't just offensive, it implies the criminalization an ethnic group. In fact, the Grand Prairie Police Department in Texas searched for "g*psy" six times while using Flock's "Convoy" feature, which allows an agency to identify vehicles traveling together—in essence targeting an entire traveling community of Roma without specifying a crime.

At the bottom of this post is a list of agencies and the terms they used when searching the Flock system.

Anti-Roma Racism in an Age of Surveillance

Racism against Romani people has been a problem for centuries, with one of its most horrific manifestations during the Holocaust, when the Third Reich and its allies perpetuated genocide by murdering hundreds of thousands of Romani people and sterilizing thousands more. Despite efforts by the UN and EU to combat anti-Roma discrimination, this form of racism persists. As scholars Margareta Matache and Mary T. Bassett explain, it is perpetuated by modern American policing practices:

In recent years, police departments have set up task forces specialised in “G*psy crimes”, appointed “G*psy crime” detectives, and organised police training courses on “G*psy criminality”. The National Association of Bunco Investigators (NABI), an organisation of law enforcement professionals focusing on “non-traditional organised crime”, has even created a database of individuals arrested or suspected of criminal activity, which clearly marked those who were Roma.

Thus, it is no surprise that a 2020 Harvard University survey of Romani Americans found that 4 out of 10 respondents reported being subjected to racial profiling by police. This demonstrates the ongoing challenges they face due to systemic racism and biased policing.

Notably, many police agencies using surveillance technologies like ALPRs have adopted some sort of basic policy against biased policing or the use of these systems to target people based on race or ethnicity. But even when such policies are in place, an agency’s failure to enforce them allows these discriminatory practices to persist. These searches were also run through the systems of thousands of other police departments that may have their own policies and state laws that prohibit bias-based policing—yet none of those agencies appeared to have flagged the searches as inappropriate.

The Flock search data in question here shows that surveillance technology exacerbates racism, and even well-meaning policies to address bias can quickly fall apart without proper oversight and accountability.

Cops In Their Own Words

EFF reached out to a sample of the police departments that ran these searches. Here are five representative responses we received from police departments in Illinois, California, and Virginia. They do not inspire confidence.

1. Lake County Sheriff's Office, IL

In June 2025, the Lake County Sheriff's Office ran three searches for a dark colored pick-up truck, using the reason: "G*PSY Scam." The search covered 1,233 networks, representing 14,467 different ALPR devices.

In response to EFF, a sheriff's representative wrote via email:

“Thank you for reaching out and for bringing this to our attention. We certainly understand your concern regarding the use of that terminology, which we do not condone or support, and we want to assure you that we are looking into the matter.

Any sort of discriminatory practice is strictly prohibited at our organization. If you have the time to take a look at our commitment to the community and our strong relationship with the community, I firmly believe you will see discrimination is not tolerated and is quite frankly repudiated by those serving in our organization.

We appreciate you bringing this to our attention so we can look further into this and address it.”

2. Sacramento Police Department, CA

In May 2025, the Sacramento Police Department ran six searches using the term "g*psy." The search covered 468 networks, representing 12,885 different ALPR devices.

In response to EFF, a police representative wrote:

“Thank you again for reaching out. We looked into the searches you mentioned and were able to confirm the entries. We’ve since reminded the team to be mindful about how they document investigative reasons. The entry reflected an investigative lead, not a disparaging reference.

We appreciate the chance to clarify.”

3. Palos Heights Police Department, IL

In September 2024, the Palos Heights Police Department ran more than two dozen searches using terms such as "g*psy vehicle," "g*psy scam" and "g*psy concrete vehicle." Most searches hit roughly 1,000 networks.

In response to EFF, a police representative said the searches were related to a singular criminal investigation into a vehicle involved in a "suspicious circumstance/fraudulent contracting incident" and is "not indicative of a general search based on racial or ethnic profiling." However, the agency acknowledged the language was inappropriate:

“The use of the term does not reflect the values or expected practices of our department. We do not condone the use of outdated or offensive terminology, and we will take this inquiry as an opportunity to educate those who are unaware of the negative connotation and to ensure that investigative notations and search reasons are documented in a manner that is accurate, professional, and free of potentially harmful language.

We appreciate your outreach on this matter and the opportunity to provide clarification.”

4. Irvine Police Department, CA

In February and May 2025, the Irvine Police Department ran eight searches using the term "roma" in the reason field. The searches covered 1,420 networks, representing 29,364 different ALPR devices.

In a call with EFF, an IPD representative explained that the cases were related to a series of organized thefts. However, they acknowledged the issue, saying, "I think it's an opportunity for our agency to look at those entries and to use a case number or use a different term."

5. Fairfax County Police Department, VA

Between December 2024 and April 2025, the Fairfax County Police Department ran more than 150 searches involving terms such as "g*psy case" and "roma crew burglaries." Fairfax County PD continued to defend its use of this language.

In response to EFF, a police representative wrote:

“Thank you for your inquiry. When conducting searches in investigative databases, our detectives must use the exact case identifiers, terms, or names connected to a criminal investigation in order to properly retrieve information. These entries reflect terminology already tied to specific cases and investigative files from other agencies, not a bias or judgment about any group of people. The use of such identifiers does not reflect bias or discrimination and is not inconsistent with our Bias-Based Policing policy within our Human Relations General Order.”

A National Trend

Roma individuals and families are not the only ones being systematically and discriminatorily targeted by ALPR surveillance technologies. For example, Flock audit logs show agencies ran 400 more searches using terms targeting Traveller communities more generally, with a specific focus on Irish Travellers, often without any mention of a crime.

Across the country, these tools are enabling and amplifying racial profiling by embedding longstanding policing biases into surveillance technologies. For example, data from Oak Park, IL, show that 84% of drivers stopped in Flock-related traffic incidents were Black—despite Black people making up only 19% of the local population. ALPR systems are far from being neutral tools for public safety and are increasingly being used to fuel discriminatory policing practices against historically marginalized people.

The racially coded language in Flock's logs mirrors long-standing patterns of discriminatory policing. Terms like "furtive movements," "suspicious behavior," and "high crime area" have always been cited by police to try to justify stops and searches of Black, Latine, and Native communities. These phrases might not appear in official logs because they're embedded earlier in enforcement—in the traffic stop without clear cause, the undocumented stop-and-frisk, the intelligence bulletin flagging entire neighborhoods as suspect. They function invisibly until a body-worn camera, court filing, or audit brings them to light. Flock's network didn’t create racial profiling; it industrialized it, turning deeply encoded and vague language into scalable surveillance that can search thousands of cameras across state lines.

The Path Forward

U.S. Sen. Ron Wyden, D-OR, recently recommended that local governments reevaluate their decisions to install Flock Safety in their communities. We agree, but we also understand that sometimes elected officials need to see the abuse with their own eyes first.

We know which agencies ran these racist searches, and they should be held accountable. But we also know that the vast majority of Flock Safety's clients—thousands of police and sheriffs—also allowed those racist searches to run through their Flock Safety systems unchallenged.

Elected officials must act decisively to address the racist policing enabled by Flock's infrastructure. First, they should demand a complete audit of all ALPR searches conducted in their jurisdiction and a review of search logs to determine (a) whether their police agencies participated in discriminatory policing and (b) what safeguards, if any, exist to prevent such abuse. Second, officials should institute immediate restrictions on data-sharing through Flock's nationwide network. As demonstrated by California law, for example, police agencies should not be able to share their ALPR data with federal authorities or out-of-state agencies, thus eliminating a vehicle for discriminatory searches spreading across state lines.

Ultimately, elected officials must terminate Flock Safety contracts entirely. The evidence is now clear: audit logs and internal policies alone cannot prevent a surveillance system from becoming a tool for racist policing. The fundamental architecture of Flock—thousands of cameras feeding into a nationwide searchable network—makes discrimination inevitable when enforcement mechanisms fail.

As Sen. Wyden astutely explained, "local elected officials can best protect their constituents from the inevitable abuses of Flock cameras by removing Flock from their communities.”

Table Overview and Notes

The following table compiles terms used by agencies to describe the reasons for searching the Flock Safety ALPR database. In a small number of cases, we removed additional information such as case numbers, specific incident details, and officers' names that were present in the reason field.

We removed one agency from the list due to the agency indicating that the word was a person's name and not a reference to Romani people.

In general, we did not include searches that used the term "Romanian," although many of those may also be indicative of anti-Roma bias. We also did not include uses of "traveler" or “Traveller” when it did not include a clear ethnic modifier; however, we believe many of those searches are likely relevant.

A text-based version of the spreadsheet is available here.

Rindala Alajaji

Application Gatekeeping: An Ever-Expanding Pathway to Internet Censorship

EFF update

5 days ago

It’s not news that Apple and Google use their app stores to shape what apps you can and cannot have on many of your devices. What is new is more governments—including the U.S. government—using legal and extralegal tools to lean on these gatekeepers in order to assert that same control. And rather than resisting, the gatekeepers are making it easier than ever.

Apple’s decision to take down the ICEBlock app at least partially in response to threats from the U.S. government—with Google rapidly and voluntarily following suit—was bad enough. But it pales in comparison with Google’s new program, set to launch worldwide next year, requiring developers to register with the company in order to have their apps installable on Android certified devices—including paying a fee and providing personal information backed by government-issued identification. Google claims the new program of “is an extra layer of security that deters bad actors and makes it harder for them to spread harm,” but the registration requirements are barely tied to app effectiveness or security. Why, one wonders, does Google need to see your driver’s license to evaluate whether your app is safe? Why, one also wonders, does Google want to create a database of virtually every Android app developer in the world?

Those communities are likely to drop out of developing for Android altogether, depriving all Android users of valuable tools.

F-Droid, a free and open-source repository for Android apps, has been sounding the alarm. As they’ve explained in an open letter, Google’s central registration system will be devastating for the Android developer community. Many mobile apps are created, improved, and distributed by volunteers, researchers, and/or small teams with limited financial resources. Others are created by developers who do not use the name attached to any government-issued identification. Others may have good reason to fear handing over their personal information to Google, or any other third party. Those communities are likely to drop out of developing for Android altogether, depriving all Android users of valuable tools.

Google’s promise that it’s “working on” a program for “students and hobbyists” that may have different requirements falls far short of what is necessary to alleviate these concerns.

It’s more important than ever to support technologies which decentralize and democratize our shared digital commons. A centralized global registration system for Android will inevitably chill this work.

The point here is not that all the apps are necessarily perfect or even safe. The point is that when you set up a gate, you invite authorities to use it to block things they don’t like. And when you build a database, you invite governments (and private parties) to try to get access to that database. If you build it, they will come.

Imagine you have developed a virtual private network (VPN) and corresponding Android mobile app that helps dissidents, journalists, and ordinary humans avoid corporate and government surveillance. In some countries, distributing that app could invite legal threats and even prosecution. Developers in those areas should not have to trust that Google would not hand over their personal information in response to a government demand just because they want their app to be installable by all Android users. By the same token, technologists that work on Android apps for reporting ICE misdeeds should not have to worry that Google will hand over their personal information to, say, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

It’s easy to see how a new registration requirement for developers could give Google a new lever for maintaining its app store monopoly

Nawaat’s statement, published last week, recounts how the group discovered the suspension: not through any official communication, but by finding the order slipped under its office door. The move came despite Nawaat’s documented compliance with all the legal requirements under Decree 88, the 2011 law that once symbolized post-revolutionary openness for associations.

Instead, the Decree, once seen as a safeguard for civic freedom, is now being weaponized as a tool of control. Nawaat’s team describes the action as part of a broader campaign of harassment: tax audits, financial investigations, and administrative interrogations that together amount to an attempt to “stifle all media resistance to the dictatorship.”

For those who have followed Tunisia’s post-2019 trajectory, the move feels chillingly familiar. Since President Kais Saied consolidated power in 2021, civil society organizations, journalists, and independent voices have faced escalating repression. Amnesty International has documented arrests of reporters, the use of counter-terrorism laws against critics, and the closure of NGOs. And now, the government has found in Decree 88 a convenient veneer of legality to achieve what old regimes did by force.

Adopted in the hopeful aftermath of the revolution, Decree-Law 2011-88 was designed to protect the right to association. It allowed citizens to form organizations without prior approval and receive funding freely—a radical departure from the Ben Ali era’s suffocating controls.

But laws are only as democratic as the institutions that enforce them. Over the years, Tunisian authorities have chipped away at these protections. Administrative notifications, once procedural, have become tools for sanction. Financial transparency requirements have turned into pretexts for selective punishment.

When a government can suspend an association that has complied with every rule, the rule of law itself becomes a performance.

Bureaucratic authoritarianism

What’s happening in Tunisia is not an isolated episode. Across the region, governments have refined the art of silencing dissent without firing a shot. But whether through Egypt’s NGO Law, Morocco’s press code, or Algeria’s foreign-funding restrictions, the outcome is the same: fewer independent outlets, and fewer critical voices.

These are the tools of bureaucratic authoritarianism…the punishment is quiet, plausible, and difficult to contest. A one-month suspension might sound minor, but for a small newsroom like Nawaat—which operates with limited funding and constant political pressure—it can mean disrupted investigations, delayed publications, and lost trust from readers and sources alike.

A decade of resistance

To understand why Nawaat matters, remember where it began. Founded in 2004 under Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s dictatorship, Nawaat became a rare space for citizen journalism and digital dissent. During the 2011 uprising, its reporting and documentation helped the world witness Tunisia’s revolution.

Over the past two decades, Nawaat has earned international recognition, including an EFF Pioneer Award in 2011, for its commitment to free expression and technological empowerment. It’s not just a media outlet; it’s a living archive of Tunisia’s struggle for dignity and rights.

That legacy is precisely what makes it threatening to the current regime. Nawaat represents a continuity of civic resistance that authoritarianism cannot easily erase.

The cost of silence

Administrative suspensions like this one are designed to send a message: You can be shut down at any time. They impose psychological costs that are harder to quantify than arrests or raids. Journalists start to self-censor. Donors hesitate to renew grants. The public, fatigued by uncertainty, tunes out.

But the real tragedy lies in what this means for Tunisians’ right to know. Nawaat’s reporting on corruption, surveillance, and state violence fills the gaps left by state-aligned media. Silencing it deprives citizens of access to truth and accountability.

As Nawaat’s statement puts it:

“This arbitrary decision aims to silence free voices and stifle all media resistance to the dictatorship.”

The government’s ability to pause a media outlet, even temporarily, sets a precedent that could be replicated across Tunisia’s civic sphere. If Nawaat can be silenced today, so can any association tomorrow.

So what can be done? Nawaat has pledged to challenge the suspension in court, but litigation alone won’t fix a system where independence is eroding from within. What’s needed is sustained, visible, and international solidarity.

Tunisia’s government may succeed in pausing Nawaat’s operations for a month. But it cannot erase the two decades of documentation, dissent, and hope the outlet represents. Nor can it silence the networks of journalists, technologists, and readers who know what is at stake.

EFF has long argued that the right to free expression is inseparable from the right to digital freedom. Nawaat’s suspension shows how easily administrative and legal tools can become weapons against both. When states combine surveillance, regulatory control, and economic pressure, they don’t need to block websites or jail reporters outright—they simply tighten the screws until free expression becomes impossible.

That’s why what happens in Tunisia matters far beyond its borders. It’s a test of whether the ideals of 2011 still mean anything in 2025.

And Nawaat, for its part, has made its position clear:

“We will continue to defend our independence and our principles. We will not be silenced.”

Jillian C. York

What EFF Needs in a New Executive Director

EFF update

5 days 2 hours ago

By Gigi Sohn, Chair, EFF Board of Directors

With the impending departure of longtime, renowned, and beloved Executive Director Cindy Cohn, EFF and leadership advisory firm Russell Reynolds Associates have developed a profile for her successor. While Cindy is irreplaceable, we hope that everyone who knows and loves EFF will help us find our next leader.

First and foremost, we are looking for someone who’ll meet this pivotal moment in EFF’s history. As authoritarian surveillance creeps around the globe and society grapples with debates over AI and other tech, EFF needs a forward-looking, strategic, and collaborative executive director to bring fresh eyes and new ideas while building on our past successes.

The San Francisco-based executive director, who reports to our board of directors, will have responsibility over all administrative, financial, development and programmatic activities at EFF. They will lead a dedicated team of legal, technical, and advocacy professionals, steward EFF’s strong organizational culture, and ensure long-term organizational sustainability and impact. That means being:

Our visionary — partnering with the board and staff to define and advance a courageous, forward-looking strategic vision for EFF; leading development, prioritization, and execution of a comprehensive strategic plan that balances proactive agenda-setting with responsive action; and ensuring clarity of mission and purpose, aligning organizational priorities and resources for maximum impact.

Our face and voice — serving as a compelling, credible public voice and thought leader for EFF’s mission and work, amplifying the expertise of staff and engaging diverse audiences including media, policymakers, and the broader public, while also building and nurturing partnerships and coalitions across the technology, legal, advocacy, and philanthropic sectors.

Our chief money manager — stewarding relationships with individual donors, foundations, and key supporters; developing and implementing strategies to diversify and grow EFF’s revenue streams, including membership, grassroots, institutional, and major gifts; and ensuring financial discipline, transparency, and sustainability in partnership with the board and executive team.

Our fearless leader — fostering a positive, inclusive, high-performing, and accountable culture that honors EFF’s activist DNA while supporting professional growth, partnering with unionized staff, and maintaining a collaborative, constructive relationship with the staff union.

It’ll take a special someone to lead us with courage, vision, personal integrity, and deep understanding of EFF’s unique role at the intersection of law and technology. For more details — including the compensation range and how to apply — click here for the full position specification. And if you know someone who you believe fits the bill, all nominations (strictly confidential, of course) are welcome at eff@russellreynolds.com.

Guest Author