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経済産業省は、工場を建設する目的で平成27年（1月～12月期）に1,000平方メートル以上の用地を取得した製造業、ガス業、熱供給業、電気業の事業者を対象に「工場立地動向調査」を実施し、結果を取りまとめました。

4月5日から9日まで、韓国のソウルにおいて、日中韓自由貿易協定(FTA)交渉の第10回交渉会合(局長/局次長会合)が開催されます。

経済産業省は、昨年10月に「活力あふれる『ビンテージ・ソサエティ』の実現に向けた取組に係る研究会」を立ち上げ、検討を重ね、今般報告書をとりまとめました。

交通事故の削減や渋滞緩和、環境負荷低減等の課題解決が期待される協調ITS（※）の実現普及に必要とされる地図データベースの整備や維持・更新のコスト削減に役立つ日本発の国際規格が制定されました。

平成28年3月4日に、東京電力からありました改正電気事業法に基づく会社分割に係る申請について、このたび申請のとおり認可しました。

Your location isn't just a pin on a map—it can expose some of the most intimate details about your life. The value of this information to advertisers and others has turned the location data business into a multi-billion dollar industry. In our latest EFFector newsletter, we're covering a new EFF report on how ad libraries encourage apps to leak user location data—potentially without app developers themselves even realizing it.

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For over 35 years, EFFector has been your guide to understanding the intersection of technology, civil liberties, and the law. This issue covers what recently announced Flock reforms actually do, privacy-invasive legislation advancing in the Senate, and an EFF investigation into mobile ad software.

Prefer to listen in? EFFector is now available on all major podcast platforms. This time, we're covering EFF's new report on mobile ad libraries and chatting with EFF Executive Director Nicole Ozer about how digital rights have become fundamental to our lives. You can find the episode and subscribe on your podcast platform of choice:

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　国家経営の大きな柱、経済政策で高市首相は「責任ある積極財政と緩和的金融政策」を掲げ、故安倍氏の政策「アベノミクス」になぞらえ「サナエノミクス」と命名した低金利政策の維持に執着した。「利上げ」で攻防　政権発足時の昨年10月には、日銀の金融政策に対し強く介入すると発言した高市首相に対し、日銀は、市場の「アベノミクスは破綻」との評価をうけ、日本の総合インフレ率２％を目標に物価安定重視での「低金利政策」脱却と利上げによる金融政策正常化の模索を進めてきた。昨年11月行われた高市首相と..

エクストライノベーション株式会社が提供するacmailerには、複数の脆弱性が存在します。

Point of View and Quicksand went to multiple cities and asked the same question across India: "What does social media make you feel?". These are the words that surfaced repeatedly:…

複数のマイクロソフト製品には、脆弱性があります。マイクロソフトによると、今回修正された一部の脆弱性を悪用する攻撃を確認しているとのことです。この問題は、Microsoft Updateなどを用いて、更新プログラムを適用することで解決します。詳細は、開発者が提供する情報を参照してください。

2026年08月18日（現地時間）、米国CISAがCISA ICS Advisory / ICS Medical Advisoryを公表しました。

A federal appeals court just made it harder for online services, big and small, to get lawsuits over user speech dismissed early. In California v. Meta, a Ninth Circuit three-judge panel held that the lower court’s denial of Section 230 immunity to Meta is not immediately appealable. The misguided ruling has the potential to have widespread impact and to threaten the free speech of all internet users.

The ruling is bigger than a loss for Meta, which has the resources to defend itself against these lawsuits. The court’s ruling signals that all online services (and internet users) that host others’ speech—including those without Meta’s deep pockets—must bear the burden and expense of fighting lawsuits that Section 230 ultimately precludes. This will have real consequences, incentivizing online services to take down users’ speech in response to spurious legal threats, filter speech preemptively, or simply stop offering a place for people to speak online. So even though some may think that Meta is not a sympathetic company, the ruling should raise concerns for anyone who cares about an open and free internet.

Immunities from Suit Advance Important Public Interests

A little procedural background is necessary to understand the implications of the Ninth Circuit’s ruling.

Meta had moved to dismiss a group of social media addiction cases brought by state attorneys general, school districts, and local governments. Meta argued that Section 230(c)(1) immunity applies because the plaintiffs’ claims, framed as seeking to hold Meta liable for allegedly harmful platform features, really seek to hold the company liable for publishing decisions related to third-party content. Section 230 is one of the most important laws supporting online free speech, because its protections for online services enable them to distribute users’ speech at an unprecedented scale.

The district court ruled that Section 230 does not apply to certain features (and does apply to others) and so denied the motion to dismiss on the claims related to those features. Meta immediately appealed invoking appellate jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1291, but the question before the Ninth Circuit was whether the appeal was legally appropriate.

Under Section 1291, U.S. circuit courts generally only have jurisdiction to hear appeals of “final decisions” from the district courts. Final decisions are trial court orders ending a case, or come after a trial on the merits. Section 230 appellate cases often arise from a district court’s grant of a defendant platform’s motion to dismiss the plaintiff’s case based on Section 230. Typically, a district court’s denial of a defendant’s motion to dismiss is not a final order—it simply means that the case may continue to discovery and summary judgment or trial, after which time an appeal would be appropriate.

However, federal law allows for “interlocutory appeals,” which are appeals of orders that do not end a case but nonetheless are allowed because they involve important legal issues. For example, there is an exception to Section 1291 called the “collateral order doctrine”—at issue in this case—allowing for immediate appeal if, as the Ninth Circuit explained here, “holding a trial would imperil a substantial public interest.”

Inherent in the collateral order doctrine is the consideration of whether an immunity like Section 230 provides mere “immunity from liability” or a more robust “immunity from suit.”

An immunity from liability does not require an immediate appeal and so demands that Section 1291’s final order rule be followed. That’s because waiting until the end of a case before an appellate court can consider the trial court’s denial of immunity does not prejudice the defendant. The appellate court may overturn the trial court and grant the immunity, and thus the defendant’s right to be immune from liability would be vindicated on appeal.

Immunity from suit is different. It means that the public interest demands that a defendant be able to get out of a case as early as possible and avoid having to litigate the case to the end. The U.S. Supreme Court has held, for example, that qualified immunity is such an immunity, and that a district court’s denial of qualified immunity for a government official is immediately appealable under Section 1291, notwithstanding the lack of a final order. The idea is that the public interest is served when government officials are free to act without fear of consequences when established rights are not implicated, and so determining as soon as possible whether their acts are immune serves that public interest.

Here, the Ninth Circuit held that the district court’s denial of Section 230 immunity for Meta was not immediately appealable under Section 1291’s collateral order doctrine because the immunity is not from suit, but rather from ultimate liability. The panel’s absurd result contravenes the text of Section 230, the statute’s policy goals, and the court’s own prior rulings.

Treating Section 230 as an Immunity from Suit Protects Online Free Speech

Meta rightly argued that Section 230(e)(3) plainly states, “No cause of action may be brought and no liability may be imposed under any State or local law that is inconsistent with this section.” The panel dismissed this argument, stating that this language likely amounts to “redundancy” reflecting only immunity from liability. The court failed to side with the more reasonable position that statutory language should generally not be interpreted as superfluous.

Meta also reminded the panel that the Ninth Circuit has many times over the past two decades framed Section 230 as both an immunity from liability and an immunity from suit. The panel also dismissed this argument, stating, “It is true that we have used the phrase ‘immunity’ somewhat loosely in our section 230 jurisprudence.”

But “loosely” is a gross mischaracterization—the panel did not discuss a seminal prior ruling, Fair Housing Council of San Fernando Valley v. Roommates.com (2008), in which the entire Ninth Circuit, not just a three-judge panel, explicitly ruled that Section 230 is also an immunity from suit. That court rightly explained that Section 230 “must be interpreted to protect websites not merely from ultimate liability, but from having to fight costly and protracted legal battles.”

Why is it important that social media platforms and other internet intermediaries (and their users) have immunity from suit for engaging in publishing activities related to third-party content—and thus a right to immediately appeal when Section 230 immunity is denied?

The Ninth Circuit panel here, using their own words, failed to “evaluate the interests that would be lost through rigorous application of a final judgment requirement” and failed to consider the “substantial public interest” served by treating Section 230 as an immunity from suit.

Section 230 immunity, contrary to what some argue, is not a gift to Big Tech—it applies to all internet intermediaries, big and small, from the large social media companies to smaller entities like community message boards and local ISPs. It even protects internet users who forward others’ emails or host comments on their blogs. In turn, the law supports the free speech of all internet users.

While it is helpful when an internet intermediary can ultimately benefit from Section 230 immunity, if a trial court’s early denial is not immediately appealable, that means the intermediary must bear the extended logistical and financial burdens of defending itself. Under the Ninth Circuit’s logic, anyone hosting others’ speech online would have to endure the pain and expense of discovery, summary judgment, or trial, before they ultimately can be protected by Section 230.

Congress crafted Section 230 to give internet intermediaries legal breathing room, so that they will be incentivized to facilitate online communication and commerce, allowing the rest of us to go online with minimal barriers to entry, without needing to have loads of money or to know how to code. Congress acknowledged in Section 230 itself, “Increasingly Americans are relying on interactive media for a variety of political, educational, cultural, and entertainment services.”

Yet if platforms, especially smaller platforms, know that they will have to defend themselves for years in court before they can ultimately benefit from Section 230 immunity, this alone will create a perverse incentive, as we have explained, to censor user speech, in order to reduce the platforms’ legal exposure. And this incentive is only exacerbated at scale, where the sheer volume of user-generated content hosted by modern platforms makes legal risk astronomical.

Unfortunately, this opinion seems to be part of larger trend reflecting the Ninth Circuit’s increasing disdain for Section 230, and apparently for free speech rights more broadly. The court similarly held last year in Gopher Media v. Melone (2025)—overruling itself—that a trial court’s denial of a defendant’s anti-SLAPP motion also is not immediately appealable under the collateral order doctrine. This is despite the fact that, similar to Section 230, California’s anti-SLAPP law is intended to allow defendants to get harassing lawsuits meant to silence them dismissed early, lest they be chilled from engaging in lawful speech on public issues due to the risk of being mired in litigation, even if they ultimately win a delayed appeal.

Age verification (laws and regulations requiring platforms and websites to assure or estimate that a user seeking to use an online service is of a certain age) is everywhere. At the time of writing, about half the states in the US have some internet age verification law in place, and dangerous proposals, from the KIDS Act to the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA), have been advancing at the federal level. European Union member states are moving toward having age verification in a centralized app by the end of this year. Australia famously now has one extremely broad restriction in place.

Most age verification laws tend to fail at their primary goal of barring kids from being online or from entering only specially designated zones, not to mention they pose a significant threat to everyone’s privacy. Some proponents of these age-based internet restrictions think they've found the silver bullet: Zero-Knowledge Proofs (ZKPs). We wrote about ZKP’s when they were first rolled out in the age verification context last year. However, more recent examples show our concerns weren’t just conjecture; ZKP-focused AV schemes are gameable, hackable, and not the cure-all some may claim.

ZKPs in Age Verification Would Only Centralize Power and Create More Harms

Before we jump into how these systems work, it must be said: creating a single point of failure for internet access contradicts the very idea of a free and open internet. 

The mechanisms underlying ZKPs pose an existential threat to everyone’s digital rights, not just kids. The idea behind ZKPs is that you are issued a “token” that vouches for your age every time you log in, creating a constant link back to the entity that verified you. The issuer of the tokens these AV schemes rely on could track every time that credential is used, creating a dangerous trail of metadata on any user they wanted to target. The issuer itself could be pressured by authoritarian governments to remove a user's access to a service, essentially removing that person’s access to the internet entirely. Without oversight of who has authority to implement and operate these systems, this approach centralizes critical internet infrastructure in the hands of very few actors. 

How ZKPs Work

ZKPs are mathematically impressive cryptographic tools–but they weren’t developed with age verification in mind. Essentially, they let a computer quickly attest to the validity of a given question asked by another computer without divulging any underlying private data. 

Computer A (such as the device operated by a person trying to access a website) is able to prove to Computer B (such as the server for the website that person is trying to access) that something is true without actually sharing the contents of that information itself. Computer A locks in a "commitment" to the information it needs to convey. Computer B, which wants to verify that information, generates mathematical "challenges" that can be answered correctly only if the information is true. Traditionally, this happens over many different “challenges" until there is no room for doubt that Computer A’s "commitment" is true.

Since that kind of lengthy back-and-forth process would drastically slow things down over the internet, there's a shortened version of this exchange that's "non-interactive.” In that case, the ZKP is verified instantly. The answer itself is hashed (mathematically converted into a fixed, shorter string of characters), and the resulting hash is theoretically unpredictable and tamper-resistant. This shortened version of the ZKP exchange is called "zk-SNARK," which is the current preferred method for age verification.

In the ideal scenario, this means that ZKP’s are able to attest to a person’s status as an adult or a child without actually giving away any other private information about that person. In other words, only one entity would collect that private information, typically on the user’s device, instead of every website or app that needs the user’s age attested to. Unfortunately, recent real-world testing of these systems prove that ZKP’s aren’t the silver bullet that proponents of AV laws were hoping for.

EU’s AV Rollout Reveals How Broken It Is

By the end of 2026, the 27 states within the European Union are expected to have infrastructure in place to do age verification within a "mini-wallet" app that will live inside the EUDI (European Digital Identity) Wallet. This is being met with plenty of warranted criticism from digital rights experts. The "mini-wallet" version is already being rolled out, with promises that the ZKPs are in working order. But recent insights show that the ZKP features aren't yet turned on except for the closed demo/prototype build (not the version of the app people are using “out of the box”), which the vast majority of everyday users can’t access. 

Worse still, a security researcher found they could bypass the app's system using a quickly built Chrome extension that tricked the app into repeatedly accepting the same "over-18" token. It did so without ever asking for fresh verification. 

Over 400 security researchers signed an open letter stating that age assurance checkpoints, even if implemented with privacy in mind, would cause more harm than good. A primary focus of their concern, which we share, is the fact that a centralized identity verification system creates a single point of failure that is extremely vulnerable to both cyberattack and authoritarian overreach.

Once the "mini-wallet" version of this is fully integrated into the EUDI Wallet, it will replicate these same failures, perhaps more, but at a much larger scale. At that point, the failures will involve many more pieces of sensitive information that the EUDI Wallet contains: passports, driver's licenses, travel information, financial information, to name a few.

ZKP’s Aren’t The Magic Bullet

As we’ve said time and time again, no method of online age verification is privacy-protective, fully accurate, and capable of guaranteeing universal coverage without introducing severe security risks. 

Lawmakers concerned about the privacy failures of age verification mandates must understand that ZKPs are not a magic bullet. They do not solve the age verification paradox; they simply push the burden of trust down the road, relying on technical ignorance and magical thinking about how the internet actually functions.  

Mandatory online age verification of any kind is a dangerously flawed idea. Tell your lawmakers we said so.

郵便法施行規則等の一部を改正する省令案等に対する意見募集

情報通信行政・郵政行政審議会　電気通信事業部会（第172回）

利用者情報ワーキンググループ第2次報告書（案）（利用者情報に係る外部送信規律の遵守に係る方策について）についての意見募集

令和8年度地方財政審議会（8月19日）議事要旨

令和8年熊本地震に関する被害状況等について（第49報）

利用者情報に関するワーキンググループ（第42回）