Privacy on the Map: How States Are Fighting Location Surveillance

2 weeks 1 day ago

Your location data isn't just a pin on a map—it's a powerful tool that reveals far more than most people realize. It can expose where you work, where you pray, who you spend time with, and, sometimes dangerously, where you seek healthcare. In today’s world, your most private movements are harvested, aggregated, and sold to anyone with a credit card. For those seeking reproductive or gender-affirming care, or visiting a protest or a immigration law clinic, this data is a ticking time bomb.

Last year, we sounded the alarm, urging lawmakers to protect individuals from the growing threats of location tracking tools—tools that are increasingly being used to target and criminalize people seeking essential reproductive healthcare.

The good news? Lawmakers in California, Massachusetts, Illinois and elsewhere are stepping up, leading the way to protect privacy and ensure that healthcare access and other exercise of our rights remain safe from invasive surveillance.

The Dangers of Location Data

Imagine this: you leave your home in Alabama, drop your kids off at daycare, and then drive across state lines to visit an abortion clinic in Florida. You spend two hours there before driving back home. Along the way, you used your phone’s GPS app to navigate or a free radio app to listen to the news. Unbeknownst to you, this “free” app tracked your entire route and sold it to a data broker. That broker then mapped your journey and made it available to anyone who would pay for it. This is exactly what happened when privacy advocates used a tool called Locate X, developed by Babel Street, to track a person’s device as they traveled from Alabama—where abortion is completely banned—to Florida, where abortion access is severely restricted but still available.

Despite this tool being marketed as solely for law enforcement use, private investigators were able to access it by falsely claiming they would work with law enforcement, revealing a major flaw in our data privacy system. In a time when government surveillance of private personal decisions is on the rise, the fact that law enforcement (and adversaries pretending to be law enforcement) can access these tools puts our personal privacy in serious danger.

The unregulated market for location data enables anyone, from law enforcement to anti-abortion groups, to access and misuse this sensitive information. For example, a data broker called Near Intelligence sold location data of people visiting Planned Parenthood clinics to an anti-abortion group. Likewise, law enforcement in Idaho used cell phone location data to charge a mother and her son with “aiding and abetting” abortion, a clear example of how this information can be weaponized to enforce abortion restrictions for patients and anyone else in their orbit. 

States Taking Action

As we’ve seen time and time again, the collection and sale of location data can be weaponized to target many vulnerable groups—immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community, and anyone seeking reproductive healthcare. In response to these growing threats, states like California, Massachusetts, and Illinois are leading the charge by introducing bills aimed at regulating the collection and use of location data. 

These bills are a powerful response to the growing threat. The bills are grounded in well-established principles of privacy law, including informed consent and data minimization, and they ensure that only essential data is collected, and that it’s kept secure. Importantly, they give residents—whether they reside in the state or are traveling from other states—the confidence to exercise their rights (such as seeking health care) without fear of surveillance or retaliation. 

This post outlines some of the key features of these location data privacy laws, to show authors and advocates of legislative proposals how best to protect their communities. Specifically, we recommend: 

  • Strong definitions,
  • Clear rules,
  • Affirmation that all location data is sensitive,
  • Empowerment of consumers through a strong private right of action,
  • Prohibition of “pay-for-privacy” schemes, and
  • Transparency through clear privacy policies.
Strong Definitions

Effective location privacy legislation starts with clear definitions. Without them, courts may interpret key terms too narrowly—weakening the law's intent. And in the absence of clear judicial guidance, regulated entities may exploit ambiguity to sidestep compliance altogether.

The following are some good definitions from the recent bills:

  • In the Massachusetts bill, "consent" must be “freely given, specific, informed, unambiguous, [and] opt-in.” Further, it must be free from dark patterns—ensuring people truly understand what they’re agreeing to. 
  • In the Illinois bill, a “covered entity” includes all manner of private actors, including individuals, corporations, and associations, exempting only individuals acting in noncommercial contexts. 
  • "Location information" must clearly refer to data derived from a device that reveals the past or present location of a person or device. The Massachusetts bill sets a common radius in defining protected location data: 1,850 feet (about one-third of a mile). The California bill goes much bigger: five miles. EFF has supported both radiuses.
  • A “permissible purpose” (which is key to the minimization rule) should be narrowly defined to include only: (1) delivering a product or service that the data subject asked for, (2) fulfilling an order, (3) complying with federal or state law, or (4) responding to an imminent threat to life.
Clear Rules

“Data minimization” is the privacy principle that corporations and other private actors must not process a person’s data except as necessary to give them what they asked for, with narrow exceptions. A virtue of this rule is that a person does not need to do anything in order to enjoy their statutory privacy rights; the burden is on the data processor to process less data. Together, these definitions and rules create a framework that ensures privacy is the default, not the exception.

One key data minimization rule, as in the Massachusetts bill, is: “It shall be unlawful for a covered entity to collect or process an individual’s location data except for a permissible purpose.” Read along with the definition above, this across-the-board rule means a covered entity can only collect or process someone’s location data to fulfil their request (with exceptions for emergencies and compliance with federal and state law).

Additional data minimization rules, as in the Illinois bill, back this up by restraining particular data practices:

  • Covered entities can not collect more precise data than strictly necessary, or use location data to make inferences beyond what is needed to provide the service. 
  • Data must be deleted once it’s no longer necessary for the permissible purpose. 
  • No selling, renting, trading, or leasing location data – full stop.
  • No disclosure of location data to government, except with a warrant, as required by state or federal law, on request of the data subject, or an emergency threat of serious bodily injury or death (defined to not include abortion). 
  • No other disclosure of location data, except as required for a permissible purpose or when requested by the individual. 

The California bill rests largely on data minimization rules like these. The Illinois and Massachestts bills place an additional limit: no collection or processing of location data absent opt-in consent from the data subject. Critically, consent in these two bills is not an exception to the minimization rule, but rather an added requirement. EFF has supported both models of data privacy legislation: just a minimization requirement; and paired minimization and consent requirements. 

All Location Data is Sensitive

To best safeguard against invasive location tracking, it’s essential to place legal restrictions on the collection and use of all location data—not just data associated with sensitive places like reproductive health clinics. Narrow protections may offer partial help, but they fall short of full privacy.

Consider the example at the beginning of the blog: if someone travels from Alabama to Florida for abortion care, and the law only shields data at sensitive sites, law enforcement in Alabama could still trace their route from home up to near the clinic. Once the person enters a protected “healthcare” zone, their device would vanish from view temporarily, only to reappear shortly after they leave. This gap in the tracking data could make it relatively easy to deduce where they were during that time, essentially revealing their clinic visit.

To avoid this kind of loophole, the most effective approach is to limit the collection and retention of all location data—no exceptions. This is the approach in all three of the bills highlighted in this post: California, Illinois, and Massachusetts.

Empowering Consumers Through a Strong PRA

To truly protect people’s location privacy, legislation must include a strong private right of action (PRA)—giving individuals the power to sue companies that violate their rights. A private right of action ensures companies can’t ignore the law and empowers people to seek justice directly when their sensitive data is misused. This is a top priority for EFF in any data privacy legislation.

The bills in Illinois and Massachusetts offer strong models. They make clear that any violation of the law is an injury and allow individuals to bring civil suits:“A violation of this [law] … regarding an individual’s location information constitutes an injury to that individual. … Any individual alleging a violation of this [law] … may bring a civil action …” Further, these bills provide a baseline amount of damages (sometimes called “liquidated” or “statutory” damages), because an invasion of statutory privacy rights is a real injury, even if it is hard for the injured party to prove out-of-pocket expenses from theft, bodily harm, or the like. Absent this kind of statutory language, some victims of privacy violations will lose their day in court.

These bills also override mandatory arbitration clauses that limit access to court. Corporations should not be able to avoid being sued by forcing their customers to sign lengthy contracts that nobody reads.

Other remedies include actual damages, punitive damages, injunctive relief, and attorney’s fees. These provisions give the law real teeth and ensure accountability can’t be signed away in fine print.

No Pay-for-Privacy Schemes

Strong location data privacy laws must protect everyone equally—and that means rejecting “pay-for-privacy” schemes that allow companies to charge users for basic privacy protections. Privacy is a fundamental right, not a luxury add-on or subscription perk. Allowing companies to offer privacy only to those who can afford to pay creates a two-tiered system where low-income individuals are forced to trade away their sensitive location data in exchange for access to essential services. These schemes also incentivize everyone to abandon privacy.

Legislation should make clear that companies cannot condition privacy protections on payment, loyalty programs, or any other exchange of value. This ensures that everyone—regardless of income—has equal protection from surveillance and data exploitation. Privacy rights shouldn’t come with a price tag.

We commend this language from the Illinois and Massachusetts bills: 

A covered entity may not take adverse action against an individual because the individual exercised or refused to waive any of such individual’s rights under [this law], unless location data is essential to the provision of the good, service, or service feature that the individual requests, and then only to the extent that this data is essential. This prohibition includes, but is not limited to: (1) refusing to provide a good or service to the individual; (2) charging different prices or rates for goods or services, including through the use of discounts or other benefits or imposing penalties; or (3) providing a different level of quality of goods or services to the individual.

Transparency Through Clear Privacy Policies

It is helpful for data privacy laws to require covered entities to be transparent about their data practices. All three bills discussed in this post require covered entities to make available a privacy policy to the data subject—a solid baseline. This ensures that people aren’t left in the dark about how their location data is being collected, used, or shared. Clear, accessible policies are a foundational element of informed consent and give individuals the information they need to protect themselves and assert their rights.

It is also helpful for privacy laws like these to require covered entities to prominently publish their privacy policies on their websites. This allows all members of the public – as well as privacy advocates and government enforcement agencies – to track whether data processors are living up to their promises.

Next Steps: More States Must Join

The bottom line is clear: location data is highly sensitive, and without proper protections, it can be used to harm those who are already vulnerable. The digital trail we leave behind can reveal far more than we think, and without laws in place to protect us, we are all at risk. 

While some states are making progress, much more needs to be done. More states need to follow suit by introducing and passing legislation that protects location data privacy. We cannot allow location tracking to be used as a tool for harassment, surveillance, or criminalization.

To help protect your digital privacy while we wait for stronger privacy protection laws, we’ve published a guide specifically for how to minimize intrusion from Locate X, and have additional tips on EFF’s Surveillance Self-Defense site. Many general privacy practices also offer strong protection against location tracking.

If you live in California, Illinois, Massachusetts – or any state that has yet to address location data privacy – now is the time to act. Contact your lawmakers and urge them to introduce or support bills that protect our sensitive data from exploitation. Demand stronger privacy protections for all, and call for more transparency and accountability from companies that collect and sell location data. Together, we can create a future where individuals are free to travel without the threat of surveillance and retaliation.

Rindala Alajaji

【焦点】インボイス実態調査に1万500人超が協力、目標1万を突破 5月下旬に結果公表=橋詰雅博

2 weeks 1 day ago
 インボイス制度を考えるフルーランスの会が3月下旬から約2週間行っていたインボイス大規模実態調査は、1万500人超が協力し、目標の1万を突破した。 同会によると「やっと見付けた生きがいを奪わないでほしい」という切実な声が寄せられたのが印象的だったという。「暮らしや仕事、将来の夢を潰すようなインボイス税制は、個人の尊厳を踏みにじるものではないでしょうか。7月の参院選の前に、政治家、国にこの実態を知ってもらわなければなりません」と同会はコメントした。 結果は5月下旬に発表する予定..
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医療的ケア児とその家族に対する支援に関する調査 −小学校における医療的ケアの実施体制の構築を中心として− <通知に対する改善措置状況(1回目のフォローアップ)の概要>

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医療的ケア児とその家族に対する支援に関する調査 −小学校における医療的ケアの実施体制の構築を中心として− <通知に対する改善措置状況(1回目のフォローアップ)の概要>
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[B] ミャンマー特殊詐欺拠点(2)大地震でも揺るがず中国人が新たな建設 宇崎真

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ミャンマー大地震が発生し、そしてトランプ関税が連日のニュースの中心となり、ミャンマー特殊詐欺の報道は深層が解明されないまま早くも忘れ去られようとしている。実は筆者はその地震が起きたときタイ・ミャンマー国境の街メソットにいた。メソットに潜むように暮らしているミャンマーの民主活動家にインタビューしている最中であった。
日刊ベリタ

EFF Joins Amicus Briefs Supporting Two More Law Firms Against Unconstitutional Executive Orders

2 weeks 2 days ago

Update 4/25/25: EFF joined the ACLU and other legal advocacy organizations today in filing an additional amicus brief in support of the law firm Susman Godfrey LLP, which also has been targeted by President Donald Trump.

Update 4/11/25: EFF joined the ACLU and other legal advocacy organizations today in filing two additional amicus briefs in support of the law firms Jenner & Block and WilmerHale, which have also been targeted by President Donald Trump.

Original post published 4/3/25: EFF has joined the American Civil Liberties Union and other legal advocacy organizations across the ideological spectrum in filing an amicus brief asking a federal judge to strike down President Donald Trump’s executive order targeting law firm Perkins Coie for its past work on voting rights lawsuits and its representation of the President’s prior political opponents. 

As a legal organization that has fought in court to defend the rights of technology users for almost 35 years, including numerous legal challenges to federal government overreach, EFF unequivocally supports Perkins Coie’s challenge to this shocking, vindictive, and unconstitutional executive order. In punishing the law firm for its zealous advocacy on behalf of its clients, the March 6 order offends the First Amendment, the rule of law, and the legal profession broadly in numerous ways. We commend Perkins Coie and other targeted law firms that have chosen to do so (and their legal representatives) for fighting back.  

“If allowed to stand, these pressure tactics will have broad and lasting impacts on Americans' ability to retain legal counsel in important matters, to arrange their business and personal affairs as they like, and to speak their minds,” our brief says. 

Lawsuits against the federal government are a vital component of the system of checks and balances that undergirds American democracy. They reflect a confidence in both the judiciary to decide such matters fairly and justly, and the executive to abide by the court’s determination. They are a backstop against autocracy and a sustaining feature of American jurisprudence since Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803).   

The executive order, if enforced, would upend that system and set an appalling precedent: Law firms that represent clients adverse to a given administration can and will be punished for doing their jobs.   

This is a fundamental abuse of executive power.   

The constitutional problems are legion, but here are a few:   

  • The First Amendment bars the government from “distorting the legal system by altering the traditional role of attorneys” by controlling what legal arguments lawyers can make. See Legal Services Corp. v. Velasquez, 531 U.S. 533, 544 (2001). “An informed independent judiciary presumes an informed, independent bar.” Id. at 545.  
  • The executive order is also unconstitutional retaliation for Perkins Coie’s engaging in constitutionally protected speech during the course of representing its clients. See Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach, 585 U.S. 87, 90 (2018). 
  • The executive order violates fundamental precepts of separation of powers and the Fifth and Sixth Amendment rights of litigants to select the counsel of their choice. See United States v. Gonzalez-Lopez, 548 U.S. 140, 147–48 (2006).  

An independent legal profession is a fundamental component of democracy and the rule of law. As a nonprofit legal organization that frequently sues the federal government, we well understand the value of this bedrock principle and how it – and First Amendment rights more broadly – are threatened by President Trump’s executive orders targeting Perkins Coie and other law firms. It is especially important that the whole legal profession speak out against the executive orders in light of the capitulation by a few large law firms. 

The order must be swiftly nullified by the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, and must be uniformly vilified by the entire legal profession. 

The ACLU’s press releases with quotes from fellow amici can be found here and here.

David Greene

【JCJ声明】イスラエルによるガザ記者殺害に抗議する=日本ジャーナリスト会議

2 weeks 2 days ago
 戦場で取材するジャーナリストが、かつてない数で殺されている。 3月24日、朝日新聞の記者ムハンマド・マンスール氏がガザ地区でイスラエルのミサイルによって殺害された。同じ日にアルジャジーラの記者ホッサム・シャバット氏も殺害された。ニューヨークを拠点とする国際非営利団体「ジャーナリスト保護委員会(CPJ; Committee to Protect Journalists)」は、「二人のジャーナリストが意図的に殺害された可能性」を調査するための国際的な調査を求めた。イスラエルは直..
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