Can we get from a world where Google is synonymous with search to a world  where other search engines have a real chance to compete? The U.S. and state governments’ bipartisan antitrust suit, challenging the many ways that Google has maintained its search monopoly, offers an opportunity.

Antitrust enforcers have proposed a set of complementary remedies, from giving users a choice of search engine, to forcing Google to spin off Chrome and possibly Android into separate companies. Overall, this is the right approach. Google’s dominance in search is too entrenched to yield to a single fix. But there are real risks to users in the mix as well: Forced sharing of people’s sensitive search queries with competitors could seriously undermine user privacy, as could a breakup without adequate safeguards.

Let’s break it down.

The Antitrust Challenge to Google Search

The Google Search antitrust suit began in 2020 under the first Trump administration, brought by the Department of Justice and 11 states. (Another 38 states filed a companion suit.) The heart of the suit was Google’s agreements with mobile phone makers, browser makers, and wireless carriers, requiring that Google Search be the default search engine, in return for revenue share payments including up to $20 billion per year that Google paid to Apple. A separate case, filed in 2023, challenged Google’s dominance in online advertising. Following a bench trial in summer 2023, Judge Amit Mehta of the D.C. federal court found Google’s search placement agreements to be illegal under the Sherman Antitrust Act, because they foreclosed competition in the markets for “general search” and “general search text advertising.”

The antitrust enforcers proposed a set of remedies in fall 2024, and filed a revised version this month, signalling that the new administration remains committed to the case. A hearing on remedies is scheduled for April.

The Obvious Fix: Ban Search Engine Exclusivity and Other Anticompetitive Agreements

The first part of the government’s remedy proposal bans Google from making the kinds of agreements that led to this lawsuit: agreements to make Google the default search engine on a variety of platforms, agreements to pre-install Google Search products on a platform, and other agreements that would give platforms an incentive not to develop a general search engine of their own. This would mean the end of Google’s pay-for-placement agreements with Apple, Samsung, other hardware makers, and browser vendors like Mozilla.

In practice, a ban on search engine default agreements means presenting users with a screen that prompts them to choose a default search engine from among various competitors. Choice screens aren’t a perfect solution, because people tend to stick with what they know. Still, research shows that choice screens can have a positive impact on competition if they are implemented thoughtfully. The court, and the technical committee appointed to oversee Google’s compliance, should apply the lessons of this research.

It makes sense that the first step of a remedy for illegal conduct should be stopping that illegal conduct. But that’s not enough on its own. Many users choose Google Search, and will continue to choose it, because it works well enough and is familiar. Also, as the evidence in this case demonstrated, the walls that Google has built around its search monopoly have kept potential rivals from gaining enough scale to deliver the best results for uncommon search queries. So we’ll need more tools to fix the competition problem.

Safe Sharing: Syndication and Search Index

The enforcers’ proposal also includes some measures that are meant to enable competitors to overcome the scale advantages that Google illegally obtained. One is requiring Google to let competitors use “syndicated” Google search results for 10 years, with no conditions or use restrictions other than “that Google may take reasonable steps to protect its brand, its reputation, and security.” Google would also have to share the results of “synthetic queries”—search terms generated by competitors to test Google’s results—and the “ranking signals” that underlie those queries. Many search engines, including DuckDuckGo, use syndicated search results from Microsoft’s Bing, and a few, like Startpage, receive syndicated results from Google. But Google currently limits re-ranking and mixing of those results—techniques that could allow competitors to offer real alternatives. Syndication is a powerful mechanism for allowing rivals the benefits of scale and size, giving them a chance to achieve a similar scale.

Importantly, syndication doesn’t reveal Google users’ queries or other personal information, so it is a privacy-conscious tool.

Similarly, the proposal orders Google to make its index – the snapshot of the web that forms the basis for its search results - available to competitors. This too is reasonably privacy-conscious, because it presumably includes only data from web pages that were already visible to the public.

Scary Sharing: Users’ “Click and Query” Data

Another data-sharing proposal is more complicated from a privacy perspective: requiring Google to provide qualified competitors with “user-side data,” including users’ search queries and data sets used to train Google's ranking algorithms. Those queries and data sets can include intensely personal details, including medical issues, political opinions and activities, and personal conflicts. Google is supposed to apply “security and privacy safeguards,” but it's not clear how this will be accomplished. An order that requires Google to share even part of this data with competitors raises the risk of data breaches, improper law enforcement access, commercial data mining and aggregation, and other serious privacy harms.

Some in the search industry, including privacy-conscious companies like DuckDuckGo, argue that filtering this “click and query” data to remove personally identifying information can adequately protect users’ privacy while still helping Google’s competitors generate more useful search results. For example, Google could share only queries that were used by some number of unique users. This is the approach Google already takes to sharing user data under the European Union’s Digital Markets Act, though Google sets a high threshold that eliminates about 97% of the data. Other rules that could apply are excluding strings of numbers that could be Social Security or other identification numbers, and other patterns of data that may be sensitive information.

But click and query data sharing still sets up a direct conflict between competition and privacy. Google, naturally, wants to share as little data as possible, while competitors will want more. It’s not clear to us that there’s an optimal point that both protects users’ privacy well and also meaningfully promotes competition. More research might reveal a better answer, but until then, this is a dangerous path, where pursuing the benefits of competition for users might become a race to the bottom for users’ privacy.

The Sledgehammer: Splitting off Chrome and Maybe Android

The most dramatic part of the enforcers’ proposal calls for an order to split off the Chrome browser as a separate company, and potentially also the Android operating system. This could be a powerful way to open up search competition. An independent Chrome and Android could provide many opportunities for users to choose alternative search engines, and potentially to integrate with AI-based information location tools and other new search competitors. A breakup would complement the ban on agreements for search engine exclusivity by applying the same ban to Chrome and Android as to iOS and other platforms.

The complication here is that a newly independent Chrome or Android might have an incentive to exploit users’ privacy in other ways. Given a period of exclusivity in which Google could not offer a competing browser or mobile operating system, Chrome and Android could adopt a business model of monetizing users’ personal data to an even greater extent than Google. To prevent this, a divestiture (breakup) order would also have to include privacy safeguards, to keep the millions of Chrome and Android users from facing an even worse privacy landscape than they do now.

The DOJ and states are pursuing a strong, comprehensive remedy for Google’s monopoly abuses in search, and we hope they will see that effort through to a remedies hearing and the inevitable appeals. We’re also happy to see that the antitrust enforcers are seeking to preserve users’ privacy. To achieve that goal, and keep internet users’ consumer welfare squarely in sight, they should proceed with caution on any user data sharing, and on breakups.

Back in January, EFF called on attorneys general in Florida, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri to investigate potential privacy violations and hold accountable crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) that engage in deceptive practices. Since then, some of these centers have begun to change their websites, quietly removing misleading language and privacy claims; the Hawaii legislature is considering a bill calling on the attorney general to investigate CPCs in the state, and legislators in Georgia have introduced a slate of bills to tackle deceptive CPC practices.

But there is much more to do. Today, we’re expanding our call to attorneys general in Tennessee, Oklahoma, Nebraska, and North Carolina, urging them to investigate the centers in their states.

Many CPCs have been operating under a veil of misleading promises for years—suggesting that clients’ personal health data is protected under HIPAA, even though numerous reports suggest otherwise; that privacy policies are not followed consistently, and that clients' personal data may be shared across networks without appropriate consent. For example, in a case in Louisiana, we saw firsthand how a CPC inadvertently exposed personal data from multiple clients in a software training video. This kind of error not only violates individuals’ privacy but could also lead to emotional and psychological harm for individuals who trusted these centers with their sensitive information.

We list multiple examples from CPCs in each of the states that claim to comply with HIPAA in our letters to Attorneys General Hilgers, Jackson, Drummond, and Skrmetti. Those include:

• Gateway Women’s Care in North Carolina claims that “we hold your right to confidentiality with the utmost care and respect and comply with HIPAA privacy standards, which protect your personal and health information” in a blog post titled “Is My Visit Confidential?” Gateway Women’s Care received $56,514 in government grants in 2023. 
• Assure Women’s Center in Nebraska stresses that it is “HIPAA compliant!” in a blog post that expressly urges people to visit them “before your doctor.”

As we’ve noted before, there are far too few protections for user privacy–including medical privacy—and individuals have little control over how their personal data is collected, stored, and used. Until Congress passes a comprehensive privacy law that includes a private right of action, state attorneys general must take proactive steps to protect their constituents from unfair or deceptive privacy practices.

It’s time for state and federal leaders to reassess how public funds are allocated to these centers. Our elected officials are responsible for ensuring that personal information, especially our sensitive medical data, is protected. After all, no one should have to choose between their healthcare and their privacy.

EFF was delighted to once again attend RightsCon—this year hosted in Taipei, Taiwan between 24-27 February. As with previous years, RightsCon provided an invaluable opportunity for human rights experts, technologists, activists, and government representatives to discuss pressing human rights challenges and their potential solutions. 

For some attending from EFF, this was the first RightsCon. For others, their 10th or 11th. But for all, one message was spoken loud and clear: the need to collectivize digital rights in the face of growing authoritarian governments and leaders occupying positions of power around the globe, as well as Big Tech’s creation and provision of consumer technologies for use in rights-abusing ways. 

EFF hosted a multitude of sessions, and appeared on many more panels—from a global perspective on platform accountability frameworks, to the perverse gears supporting transnational repression, and exploring tech tools for queer liberation online. Here we share some of our highlights.

Major Concerns Around Funding Cuts to Civil Society 

Two major shifts affecting the digital rights space underlined the renewed need for solidarity and collective responses. First, the Trump administration’s summary (and largely illegal) funding cuts for the global digital rights movement from USAID, the State Department, the National Endowment for Democracy and other programs, are impacting many digital rights organizations across the globe and deeply harming the field. By some estimates, U.S. government cuts, along with major changes in the Netherlands and elsewhere, will result in a 30% reduction in the size of the global digital rights community, especially in global majority countries. 

Second, the Trump administration’s announcement to respond to the regulation of U.S. tech companies with tariffs has thrown another wrench into the work of many of us working towards improved tech accountability. 

We know that attacks on civil society, especially on funding, are a go-to strategy for authoritarian rulers, so this is deeply troubling. Even in more democratic settings, this reinforces the shrinking of civic space hindering our collective ability to organize and fight for better futures. Given the size of the cuts, it’s clear that other funders will struggle to counterbalance the dwindling U.S. public funding, but they must try. We urge other countries and regions, as well as individuals and a broader range of philanthropy, to step up to ensure that the crucial work defending human rights online will be able to continue. 

Community Solidarity with Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Laila Soueif

The call to free Alaa Abd El-Fattah from illegal detention in Egypt was a prominent message heard throughout RightsCon. During the opening ceremony, Access Now’s new Executive Director, Alejandro Mayoral, talked about Alaa’s keynote speech at the very first RightsCon and stated: “We stand in solidarity with him and all civil society actors, activists, and journalists whose governments are silencing them.” The opening ceremony also included a video address from Alaa’s mother, Laila Soueif, in which she urged viewers to “not let our defeat be permanent.” Sadly, immediately after that address Ms. Soueif was admitted to the hospital as a result of her longstanding hunger strike in support of her son. 

The calls to #FreeAlaa and save Laila were again reaffirmed during the closing ceremony in a keynote by Sara Alsherif, Migrant Digital Justice Programme Manager at UK-based digital rights group Open Rights Group and close friend of Alaa. Referencing Alaa’s early work as a digital activist, Alsherif said: “He understood that the fight for digital rights is at the core of the struggle for human rights and democracy.” She closed by reminding the hundreds-strong audience that “Alaa could be any one of us … Please do for him what you would want us to do for you if you were in his position.”

EFF and Open Rights Group also hosted a session talking about Alaa, his work as a blogger, coder, and activist for more than two decades. The session included a reading from Alaa’s book and a discussion with participants on strategies.

Platform Accountability in Crisis

Online platforms like Facebook and services like Google are crucial spaces for civic discourse and access to information. Many sessions at RightsCon were dedicated to the growing concern that these platforms have also become powerful tools for political manipulation, censorship, and control. With the return of the Trump administration, Facebook’s shift in hate speech policies, and the growing geo-politicization of digital governance, many now consider platform accountability being in crisis. 

A dedicated “Day 0” event, co-organized by Access Now and EFF, set the stage of these discussions with a high-level panel reflecting on alarming developments in platform content policies and enforcement. Reflecting on Access Now’s “rule of law checklist,” speakers stressed how a small group of powerful individuals increasingly dictate how platforms operate, raising concerns about democratic resilience and accountability. They also highlighted the need for deeper collaboration with global majority countries on digital governance, taking into account diverse regional challenges. Beyond regulation, the conversation discussed the potential of user-empowered alternatives, such as decentralized services, to counter platform dominance and offer more sustainable governance models.

A key point of attention was the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA), a rulebook with the potential to shape global responses to platform accountability but one that also leaves many crucial questions open. The conversation naturally transitioned to the workshop organized by the DSA Human Rights Alliance, which focused more specifically on the global implications of DSA enforcement and how principles for a “Human Rights-Centered Application of the DSA” could foster public interest and collaboration.

Fighting Internet Shutdowns and Anti-Censorship Tools

Many sessions discussed internet shutdowns and other forms of internet blocking impacted the daily lives of people under extremely oppressive regimes. The overwhelming conclusion was that we need encryption to remain strong in countries with better conditions of democracy in order to continue to bridge access to services in places where democracy is weak. Breaking encryption or blocking important tools for “national security,” elections, exams, protests, or for law enforcement only endangers freedom of information for those with less political power. In turn, these actions empower governments to take possibly inhumane actions while the “lights are out” and people can’t tell the rest of the world what is happening to them.

Another pertinent point coming out of RightsCon was that anti-censorship tools work best when everyone is using them. Diversity of users not only helps to create bridges for others who can’t access the internet through normal means, but it also helps to create traffic that looks innocuous enough to bypass censorship blockers. Discussions highlighted how the more tools we have to connect people without unique traffic, the less chances there are for government censorship technology to keep their traffic from going through. We know some governments are not above completely shutting down internet access. But in cases where they still allow the internet, user diversity is key. It also helps to move away from narratives that imply “only criminals” use encryption. Encryption is for everyone, and everyone should use it. Because tomorrow’s internet could be tested by future threats.

Palestine: Human Rights in Times of Conflict

At this years RightsCon, Palestinian non-profit organization 7amleh, in collaboration with the Palestinian Digital Rights Coalition and supported by dozens of international organizations including EFF, launched #ReconnectGaza, a global campaign to rebuild Gaza’s telecommunications network and safeguard the right to communication as a fundamental human right. The campaign comes on the back of more than 17 months of internet blackouts and destruction to Gaza’s telecommunications infrastructure by the Israeli authorities. Estimates indicate that 75% of Gaza’s telecommunications infrastructure has been damaged, with 50% completely destroyed. This loss of connectivity has crippled essential services—preventing healthcare coordination, disrupting education, and isolating Palestinians from the digital economy. 

On another panel, EFF raised concerns to Microsoft representatives about an AP report that emerged just prior to Rightscon about the company providing services to the Israeli Defense Forces that are being used as part of the repression of Palestinians in Gaza as well as in the bombings in Lebanon. We noted that Microsoft’s pledges to support human rights seemed to be in conflict with this, something EFF has already raised about Google and Amazon and their work on Project Nimbus.  Microsoft promised to look into that allegation, as well as one about its provision of services to Saudi Arabia. 

In the RightsCon opening ceremony, Alejandro Mayoral noted that: “Today, the world’s eyes are on Gaza, where genocide has taken place, AI is being weaponized, and people’s voices are silenced as the first phase of the fragile Palestinian-Israeli ceasefire is realized.” He followed up by saying, “We are surrounded by conflict. Palestine, Sudan, Myanmar, Ukraine, and beyond…where the internet and technology are being used and abused at the cost of human lives.” Following this keynote, Access Now’s MENA Policy and Advocacy Director, Marwa Fatafta, hosted a roundtable to discuss technology in times of conflict, where takeaways included the reminder that “there is no greater microcosm of the world’s digital rights violations happening in our world today than in Gaza. It’s a laboratory where the most invasive and deadly technologies are being tested and deployed on a besieged population.”

Countering Cross-Border Arbitrary Surveillance and Transnational Repression

Concerns about ongoing legal instruments that can be misused to expand transnational repression were also front-and-center at RightsCon. During a Citizen Lab-hosted session we participated in, participants examined how cross-border policing can become a tool to criminalize marginalized groups, the economic incentives driving these criminalization trends, and the urgent need for robust, concrete, and enforceable international human rights safeguards. They also noted that the newly approved UN Cybercrime Convention, with only minimal protections, adds yet another mechanism for broadening cross-border surveillance powers, thereby compounding the proliferation of legal frameworks that lack adequate guardrails against misuse.

Age-Gating the Internet

EFF co-hosted a roundtable session to workshop a human rights statement addressing government mandates to restrict young people’s access to online services and specific legal online speech. Participants in the roundtable represented five continents and included representatives from civil society and academia, some of whom focused on digital rights and some on childrens’ rights. Many of the participants will continue to refine the statement in the coming months.

Hard Conversations

EFF participated in a cybersecurity conversation with representatives of the UK government, where we raised serious concerns about the government’s hostility to strong encryption, and the resulting insecurity they had created for both UK citizens and the people who communicate with them by pressuring Apple to ensure UK law enforcement access to all communications. 

Equity and Inclusion in Platform Discussions, Policies, and Trust & Safety

The platform economy is an evergreen RightsCon topic, and this year was no different, with conversations ranging from the impact of content moderation on free expression to transparency in monetization policies, and much in between. Given the recent developments at Meta, X, and elsewhere, many participants were rightfully eager to engage.

EFF co-organized an informal meetup of global content moderation experts with whom we regularly convene, and participated in a number of sessions, such as on the decline of user agency on platforms in the face of growing centralized services, as well as ways to expand choice through decentralized services and platforms. One notable session on this topic was hosted by the Center for Democracy and Technology on addressing global inequities in content moderation, in which speakers presented findings from their research on the moderation by various platforms of content in Maghrebi Arabic and Kiswahili, as well as a forthcoming paper on Quechua.

Reflections and Next Steps

RightsCon is a conference that reminds us of the size and scope of the digital rights movement around the world. Holding it in Taiwan and in the wake of the huge cuts to funding for so many created an urgency that was palpable across the spectrum of sessions and events. We know that we’ve built a robust community and that can weather the storms, and in the face of overwhelming pressure from government and corporate actors, it's essential that we resist the temptation to isolate in the face of threats and challenges but instead continue to push forward with collectivisation and collaboration to continue speaking truth to power, from the U.S. to Germany, and across the globe.

California legislators have begun debating a bill (A.B. 412) that would require AI developers to track and disclose every registered copyrighted work used in AI training. At first glance, this might sound like a reasonable step toward transparency. But it’s an impossible standard that could crush small AI startups and developers while giving big tech firms even more power.

A Burden That Small Developers Can’t Bear

The AI landscape is in danger of being dominated by large companies with deep pockets. These big names are in the news almost daily. But they’re far from the only ones – there are dozens of AI companies with fewer than 10 employees trying to build something new in a particular niche. 

This bill demands that creators of any AI model–even a two-person company or a hobbyist tinkering with a small software build– identify copyrighted materials used in training.  That requirement will be incredibly onerous, even if limited just to works registered with the U.S. Copyright Office. The registration system is a cumbersome beast at best–neither machine-readable nor accessible, it’s more like a card catalog than a database–that doesn’t offer information sufficient to identify all authors of a work,  much less help developers to reliably match works in a training set to works in the system.

Even for major tech companies, meeting these new obligations  would be a daunting task. For a small startup, throwing on such an impossible requirement could be a death sentence. If A.B. 412 becomes law, these smaller players will be forced to devote scarce resources to an unworkable compliance regime instead of focusing on development and innovation. The risk of lawsuits—potentially from copyright trolls—would discourage new startups from even attempting to enter the field.

A.I. Training Is Like Reading And It’s Very Likely Fair Use 

A.B. 412 starts from a premise that’s both untrue and harmful to the public interest: that reading, scraping or searching of open web content shouldn’t be allowed without payment. In reality, courts should, and we believe will, find that the great majority of this activity is fair use. 

It’s now bedrock internet law principle that some forms of copying content online are transformative, and thus legal fair use. That includes reproducing thumbnail images for image search, or snippets of text to search books. 

The U.S. copyright system is meant to balance innovation with creator rights, and courts are still working through how copyright applies to AI training. In most of the AI cases, courts have yet to consider—let alone decide—how fair use applies. A.B. 412 jumps the gun, preempting this process and imposing a vague, overly broad standard that will do more harm than good.

Importantly, those key court cases are all federal. The U.S. Constitution makes it clear that copyright is governed by federal law, and A.B. 412 improperly attempts to impose state-level copyright regulations on an issue still in flux. 

A.B. 412 Is A Gift to Big Tech

The irony of A.B. 412 is that it won’t stop AI development—it will simply consolidate it in the hands of the largest corporations. Big tech firms already have the resources to navigate complex legal and regulatory environments, and they can afford to comply (or at least appear to comply) with A.B. 412’s burdensome requirements. Small developers, on the other hand, will either be forced out of the market or driven into partnerships where they lose their independence. The result will be less competition, fewer innovations, and a tech landscape even more dominated by a handful of massive companies.

If lawmakers are able to iron out some of the practical problems with A.B. 412 and pass some version of it, they may be able to force programmers to research–and effectively, pay off–copyright owners before they even write a line of code. If that’s the outcome in California, Big Tech will not despair. They’ll celebrate. Only a few companies own large content libraries or can afford to license enough material to build a deep learning model. The possibilities for startups and small programmers will be so meager, and competition will be so limited, that profits for big incumbent companies will be locked in for a generation. 

If you are a California resident and want to speak out about A.B. 412, you can find and contact your legislators through this website. 

In times of conflict, the internet becomes more than just a tool—it is a lifeline, connecting those caught in chaos with the outside world. It carries voices that might otherwise be silenced, bearing witness to suffering and survival. Without internet access, communities become isolated, and the flow of critical information is disrupted, making an already dire situation even worse.

At this years RightsCon conference hosted in Taiwan, Palestinian non-profit organization 7amleh, in collaboration with the Palestinian Digital Rights Coalition and supported by dozens of international organizations including EFF, launched #ReconnectGaza, a global campaign to rebuild Gaza’s telecommunications network and safeguard the right to communication as a fundamental human right. 

The campaign comes on the back of more than 17 months of internet blackouts and destruction to Gaza’s telecommunications infrastructure by  the Israeli authorities.Estimates indicate that 75% of Gaza’s telecommunications infrastructure has been damaged, with 50% completely destroyed. This loss of connectivity has crippled essential services— preventing healthcare coordination, disrupting education, and isolating Palestinians from the digital economy. In response, there is an urgent and immediate need  to deploy emergency solutions, such as eSIM cards, satellite internet access, and mobile communications hubs.

At the same time, there is an opportunity to rebuild towards a just and permanent solution with modern technologies that would enable reliable, high-speed connectivity that supports education, healthcare, and economic growth. The campaign calls for this as a paramount component to reconnecting Gaza, whilst also ensuring the safety and protection of telecommunications workers on the ground, who risk their lives to repair and maintain critical infrastructure. 

Further, beyond responding to these immediate needs, 7amleh and the #ReconnectGaza campaign demands the establishment of an independent Palestinian ICT sector, free from external control, as a cornerstone of Gaza’s reconstruction and Palestine's digital sovereignty. Palestinians have been subject to Israel internet controls since the Oslo Accords, which settled that Palestine should have its own telephone, radio, and TV networks, but handed over details to a joint technical committee. Ending the deliberate isolation of the Palestinian people is critical to protecting fundamental human rights.

This is not the first time internet shutdowns have been weaponized as a tool for oppression. In 2012, Palestinians in Gaza were subject to frequent power outages and were forced to rely on generators and insecure dial-up connections for connectivity. More recently since October 7, Palestinians in Gaza have experienced repeated internet blackouts inflicted by the Israeli authorities. Given that all of the internet cables connecting Gaza to the outside world go through Israel, the Israeli Ministry of Communications has the ability to cut off Palestinians’ access with ease. The Ministry also allocates spectrum to cell phone companies; in 2015 we wrote about an agreement that delivered 3G to Palestinians years later than the rest of the world.

Access to internet infrastructure is essential—it enables people to build and create communities, shed light on injustices, and acquire vital knowledge that might not otherwise be available. And access to it becomes even more imperative in circumstances where being able to communicate and share real-time information directly with the people you trust is instrumental to personal safety and survival. It is imperative that people’s access to the internet remains protected.

The restoration of telecommunications in Gaza is deemed an urgent humanitarian need. Global stakeholders, including UN agencies, governments, and telecommunications companies, must act swiftly to ensure the restoration and modernization of Gaza’s telecommunications.