WEB雑誌『憎まれ愚痴』／『亜空間通信』335号(2002/08/14) 阿修羅投稿を02.12再録

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911藪蛇：ドイツでホロコースト後遺症タブー挑戦の言論戦に主要政治家も参入

　転送、転載、引用、訳出、大歓迎！

　本年、2002年の本月、8月3日の日付で、国際大手通信、APの記事として、いわば911事件の「藪蛇」と私が名付けるシオニスト謀略批判の新たな火の手が、さらにドイツで燃えさかりつつある状況の報道が現れた。

　私は、この題名を「ドイツ人がホロコースト後遺症のタブーに挑戦」と訳すが、一応、原題を先に紹介する。

Germans Attack Post-Holocaust Taboos
By TONY CZUCZKA
Associated Press Writer

August 3,

　簡略に言うと、ドイツにおけるホロコースト後遺症タブーへの挑戦の議論が、選挙戦の最中、首相のゲルハルト・シュレーダーやその対抗馬のエドムンド・シュトイベルも交えて、広がっているということである。

　シュレイダーは、著名な作家のヴァルザーと議論し、シュトイベルは、第二次世界大戦の敗戦後にチェコから追放されたドイツ系住民の問題を語っている。

　私は、作家のヴァルザーの発言に関して、すでに以下に抜粋する通信を発している。

http://www.asyura.com/2002/war12/msg/1024.html
『亜空間通信』276号(2002/06/17)
【極右シャロンがドイツでタブー見直し誘発しユダヤ人批判の作家ヴァルザー復活】

[中略]ドイツ人の作家、ヴァルザーに関する「論争」は、NHKでも不十分ながら報道され、その件について、私は、今から2年半前、1999.12.12.に論じていた。[中略]

阿修羅掲示板 > 戦争１２ 1002.html
独でユダヤ人批判始まる　自治区侵攻でタブー見直し 投稿者 倉田佳典 日時 2002年 6 月 16 日 17:53:46:[中略]

　 ナチス時代のホロコースト（ユダヤ人大量虐殺）の記憶から、イスラエルやユダヤ人に対する批判が一種のタブーとされてきたドイツで、イスラエル軍のパレスチナ自治区侵攻を契機として、タブー見直しの動きが始まった。　[中略]　　　　　　　
　　　　　　　　　　　
　これとは別に、著名作家のマルティン・ワルザー（ヴァルザー）氏（７５）が近く刊行する小説「ある批評家の死」をめぐっても、ユダヤ人をめぐる論争が持ち上がった。[中略]　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　
　同氏は一九九八年にも「ユダヤ人団体はホロコーストを脅迫の手段として利用している」と述べ論争を巻き起こしたことがあり、知識人の間では、今回もあえて挑発的な内容の小説を発表してタブーに挑戦したと受け止められている。　　　　　　　　
　
　あるドイツ人ジャーナリストは「イスラエルの政策に対する批判は、ドイツ人が発言すると゛反ユダヤ主義″と受け取られる」と指摘。こうした現状に不満を抱く人々が、国際社会で高まった自治区侵攻批判に力を得て、微妙なテーマに踏み込んだと分析している。

　以上で引用終わり。以下が私の旧文からの一部抜粋。[中略]

glo-23.html
シオニスト『ガス室』謀略周辺事態
(その23)ナチス強制労働&ドイツ作家論争の矛盾の絵解き[中略]

最近、ドイツ書籍出版協会の平和賞を受賞したドイツ人の著名作家、ヴァルザーが、各界著名人1,200人が出席者を前にした受賞記念演説の中で、ナチスドイツ時代の恥辱、とりわけアウシュヴィッツの「ユダヤ人大量虐殺」についてのメディア報道を見せつけられるのが耐えられない、自分の民族の歴史についての考え方を強制されるのには反対、アウシュヴィッツの威嚇的に振り回す手段化に反対するなどと論じ、以後、ドイツのユダヤ人組織との間で厳しい論争が展開された様を描きました。

「アウシュヴィッツの手段化」の意味に関して、ヴァルザー自身は、折から問題になっていた「強制労働への賠償請求」のことか、との問いに対しては、否定的で、たとえばドイツの東西分割は米ソ冷戦の結果なのに、アウシュヴィッツの罪の償いだと主張するようなことを意味したのだと述べています。いかにも作家らしい含蓄のある表現の仕方でした。[後略]

　以下、最新のAP記事の原文を紹介するが、訳語では意味が薄まるので、2つだけ注釈を加えて置く。要するに、今、ドイツ人の中に、「ホロコースト」を振りかざす「道徳的な」「こん棒」で殴られ続けるのは御免、アウシュヴィッツの怨霊退散の気分が高まっているということである。

bludgeon：(先に重みをつけたり太くした)短いこん棒。攻撃。批判。攻撃手段。

exorcise：(呪文(じゅもん)・宗教的儀式などで)〈悪霊・悪魔などを〉(人・場所から)追い払う,退散させる〈人・場所などを〉(悪霊などから)払い清める,魔よけ[厄よけ]をする家から悪魔を追い払う。〈邪心などを〉取り除く;〈心などから〉(悩みなどを)除去する。〈霊などを〉(呪文・まじないで)呼び出す.。

http://www.newsday.com/templates/misc/printstory.jsp?slug=sns%2Dap%2Dbreakin
g%2Dtaboos0803aug03§ion=%2Fnews%2Fnationworld%2Fworld%2Fwire

http://www.newsday.com/news/nationworld/world/wire/sns-ap-breaking-taboos080
3aug03.story

Germans Attack Post-Holocaust Taboos
By TONY CZUCZKA
Associated Press Writer

August 3, 2002, 12:52 PM EDT

BERLIN -- For a nation that swore off nationalism after World War II,
Germany is having an unusual election campaign. Taboos that once muted any
serious discussion of the topic are being cracked -- not by some far-right
fringe, but by the two main candidates.
One is Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. In May he publicly debated the meaning
of patriotism with a popular author who has enraged Jews by saying that the
Holocaust is used as "a moral bludgeon" on Germans.
Schroeder's conservative challenger, meanwhile, has engaged in a war of
words with the Czech Republic on behalf of ethnic Germans who were expelled
at the end of the war.
Germany's last election four years ago focused attention on the arrival of
the "Berlin Republic" -- the government's return to a capital with a Nazi
past, under the first chancellor young enough to have no memory of the war.
The parliamentary election in September is shaping up as a test of German
reflexes as much of Europe moves to the right. Alarming for many, even open
anti-Semitism has been revived in German mainstream politics as well as
cultural life.
"It's partly about the issue of national identity," said Andrei Markovits, a
German history professor at the University of Michigan. "The Germans somehow
want to exorcise Auschwitz. But it will still be a stigma for at least a
number of decades."
Germans have debated the limits of national pride and their yearning to be a
"normal" nation ever since east and west reunited in 1990, re-creating a big
Germany of 83 million people at the heart of Europe.
The differing approaches were evident in May, when Schroeder and novelist
Martin Walser argued the point in a public debate. Where Walser tied
nationalism to emotions, Schroeder spoke of not feeling his German identity
until age 10, when the German soccer team won the 1954 World Cup. Where
Schroeder urged Germans to take pride in their post-World War II
accomplishments, Walser delved into the post-World War I peace that in his
much-disputed view helped pave the way for Nazism.
Schroeder's challenger, Edmund Stoiber, has also turned his sights to the
past, strongly suggesting that the Czech Republic be barred from joining the
European Union until revokes the decrees that exiled the Sudeten Germans in
1945.
It's a touchy subject, given collaboration of Sudeten German leaders with
Hitler. The last conservative chancellor, Helmut Kohl, had hoped to heal the
wound five years ago when he signed a 1997 treaty on good relations with
Prague.
Stoiber also insists that Germans need not shy away from debating curbs on
the country's liberal immigration policy, rooted partly in a will to atone
for Nazi race laws.
He says the mainstream conservatives he represents must raise the issue
"responsibly" to prevent the rise of far-right politicians like France's
Jean-Marie Le Pen and Joerg Haider in Austria.
Those views don't appear to have hurt Stoiber's campaign. Polls show that
Schroeder is more popular than Stoiber, but the conservative camp led by the
Bavarian governor is ahead of the chancellor's Social Democrats.
Postwar German society, ever fearful of any hint of tolerance for the forces
that gave rise to Hitler, has tended to shun displays of nationalism, even
dumping the first stanza of its anthem to get rid of "Deutschland Ueber
Alles." Germans have also tended to avoid issues such as the Sudeten
expulsion, lest they be accused of portraying themselves as the victim.
As for anti-Semitism, Germans have long reassured themselves that it was
firmly banished to the far-right fringe, which holds no seats in parliament.
But even that taboo has come under attack -- from a respected party that
helped build Germany's postwar democracy and from Walser, whose latest novel
was condemned by critics as pandering to anti-Jewish stereotypes.
The opposition Free Democratic Party, yearning to return to its old role as
coalition partner in the next government, injected tones widely viewed as
anti-Semitic into its populist campaign strategy.
Its deputy leader, Juergen Moellemann, was already known as a supporter of
the Arab cause, but he stirred outrage when he warned that Michel Friedman,
a Jewish TV talk show host, might fuel anti-Semitism with his "intolerant,
spiteful style."
Forced to apologize, Moellemann said he was asserting Germans' right to
criticize Israel for its treatment of the Palestinians. But many critics
felt he was insinuating that Jews are to blame for anti-Semitism.
"This is the treacherous thing," said Wolfgang Benz, head of the Center for
Anti-Semitism Studies at Berlin's Technical University. "Latent resentment
of Jews has been around for years, but no democratic party ever set its
sights on it."
Meanwhile, Walser's new novel, "Death of a Critic," has gone straight to the
top of the best-seller list, accompanied by furious controversy over the
unflattering portrayal of its main character -- a Jewish Holocaust survivor
modeled on Germany's best-known literary critic, Marcel Reich-Ranicki.
One of Germany's most respected newspapers, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,
called the book a "document of hate" and refused to serialize it.
Walser insists the book is a comedy about the power of critics and the media
and is not anti-Semitic. German Jewish novelist Rafael Seligmann agrees,
though he thinks the novelist has "crazy ideas," and Germany's best-known
author, Guenter Grass, has called the attacks on Walser "close to character
assassination."

Copyright ? 2002, The Associated Press

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