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Pierre Johnson (Coordinator of WSSE Fair Trade Workshop, France) |
| Work Group on a Solidarity Socio-Economy - Alliance 21 International Regulations within the context of the Socio-economy of Solidarity in an era of neo-liberal globalization October 9 - 11, 2003 Tokyo Global Fair Trade, an alternative to the liberal market Pierre Johnson ( Coordinator of WSSE Fair Trade Workshop, France) Introduction : The Cancun mobilization and Fair Trade I was asked to speak on WTO and Fair Trade at this meeting. This is a complex subject. Though I just came back from Cancun, I am not sure I fully understand WTO. This is because WTO discussions are separate from the reality of some socio-economic practices. Of course, WTO discussions failed in Cancun, but negotiations will continue in Geneva. And in the meantime, world trade continues to be unfair. For the first time in Cancun, developing countries including some called "least advanced countries" have grouped themselves with a clear and firm position on the respect of principles of negotiations. This would probably not have been possible without the work and mobilization of civil society in the South and in the North, as governments of the South in the past tended to bow under the pressure of closed-room negotiations and of the liberal ideology which permeates the whole context of the negotiations. Cancun was also the first time during a WTO Ministerial that Fair Trade organizations joined to exchange on their practices, hold a global products Fair and lobby on the negotiators. The Fair Trade Fair, the Sustainable Trade Symposium and the Fair Trade Forum of the Americas gathered dozens of activists and helped establish linkages and build up mobilization within the movement. Other civil society networks were at Cancun, and quite a few presented Fair Trade as an alternative to "WTO trade". What is this "Fair Trade", and can it be an alternative to "Free Trade" as conceived by WTO and the neo-liberal ideology? I will try to show that, confronting the reality of international trade and power relations, fair trade is not just another liberal approach, but is really part of an alternative approach to neo-liberal globalization, and that it already operates, through initiatives that have been around for a few decades. 1. Two conceptions of trade Free trade is not free nor fair Fair Trade initiatives are born as a reaction to the unfairness of conventional international trade, whose rules and practices continue marginalizing small-scale producers and the populations of Southern nations. Free Trade is an ideology which has a long trend record. First, we know that big companies use land, water and other natural resources as well as workforce without having to pay for its production and reproduction. And consumers are badly informed about the products they consume and their social and environmental consequences. So there is no real "free trade".. Second, this ideology assumes that free trade will bring growth, and that growth will bring social progress and environmental protection. In the real world, the type of trade that exists, which we call "conventional trade" or "mainstream trade" does often increase vulnerability and instability for the poorest groups in developing countries.. The case of commodity price is illustrative. Since its liberalization, coffee and cocoa have left thousands of third with prices that don't even pay the work they invest in them, but given billions to transnational corporations such as Nestle or Procter & Gamble. Even though small-scale producers often have production systems and methods much more respectful of biodiversity and, I would add, socio-economic diversity. We also know that mainstream trade is often destructive of the environment, causing greater poverty and weakening the opportunities of sustainable livelihoods for the poor. The "rules of the game" and the reality of economic forces make it almost impossible for rural populations to earn the means for their own livelihoods, while continuing to give the services they provide to their countries : food sovereignty, reproduction of ecosystems and landscapes, etc. Commodity and crop prices tend to be unstable and low compared to industrial prices. This and other obstacles also impede the transformation of those products, and the development of an extensive agro-industry in those countries. The problem with the World Trade Organization is not only that it puts trade and liberalization at the centre of the discussion, but also that it leads often casuistic discussions without taking into account some of the best practices, in matter of trade, investment, property rights, etc. These discussions are held as if the theory of "homo economicus" was a daily reality, while it isn't, even for a variety of big companies. This context will be useful in understanding how complex is to discuss the relationship between WTO and Fair Trade. On the one hand, we have a supposedly multi-lateral organization, with a set of abstract doctrines (non-differential treatment, most favoured nation clause, etc.). On the other hand, we have a set of practices, that try pragmatically to build up other type of trade relations, based on justice, equity and transparency. These relations are meant to benefit small-scale producers in developing countries. They are part of a general trend pushing consumers to be responsible regarding environmental and social impacts of trade, a trend that comprises such diverse practices as organic agriculture, social responsibility, and fair trade. With the Doha negotiation cycle, WTO seemingly incorporates some of the
current preoccupations of developing countries, and begins to analyze
the relationship of trade with regards to environment. However, as the
failure of the Cancun Ministerial clearly shows, the Doha cycle has been
stamped the "development round" only for marketing purposes. However negative international trade can be in general, we have to observe that trade is almost as old as Humanity, and seems to be indispensable to contemporary life. International exchanges have been going on since the Romans traded with China, and vice-versa. We should privilege local economies, but international trade is also necessary to exchange goods and services produced in different countries. Of course, contemporary globalization is of a different nature. What gives it its identity is neo-liberal ideology, and not trade in itself. So, even though we don't want to make trade the centre of our lives,
we should have a notion and practice of what are the best practices in
trade. Fair Trade assumes that trade can reduce poverty and provide sustainable
livelihoods to people in the South and in the North if it is fair, that
is if it obeys certain principles : direct trade relations between small-scale
producers and consumers, long term relations, and fair prices to the producers.
It is rooted in the demand of countries from the South for fair prices,
at least since the 1960's, at UNCTAD and other international meetings,
but as a movement, it also goes beyond this issue. According to the definition of Fair Trade agreed between the main networks of this movement: "Fair Trade is a trading partnership, based on dialogue, transparency and respect, that seeks greater equity in international trade. It contributes to sustainable development by offering better trading conditions to, and securing the rights of, marginalized producers and workers - especially in the South." Rural producers, artisans as well as farmers, are the main partners of Fair Trade in the South. These practices have established relations between producers and consumers that are based on equity, partnership, trust and shared interest. They respect precise criteria, and pursue objectives in two complementary
directions: Examples of Fair Trade practices Trading under fair conditions Fair Trade products are calculated to benefit to around 5 millions families in the South. In Europe, there are around 3000 Fair Trade shops. 18 countries, including 14 in Europe, 3 in North America and Mexico, as well as Japan, have Fair Trade labelling initiatives, mainly in commodity markets such as coffee, cocoa or tea, supporting hundred of thousands of farmers in the South. Consumer education Political pressure WTO viewed by Fair Trade The Doha Development Agenda pays mouth lip service to development. And European Commissioner for Trade Pascal Lamy supports a hollow concept of Sustainable Trade forward, as he pushes developing countries to open their markets even more. But "the characteristics needed to make trade sustainable is absent from the Doha Development Agenda. In consequence the WTO is pursuing an approach which risks marginalising poor people even further." Fair Trade isn't against any multilateral negotiations on trade. The problem with WTO is that the only reality it acknowledges is trade. This allows the majority of businesses "to continue (…) to violate standards set out in the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Labour Organisation's Core Conventions, despite the fact that these internationally agreed standards have been enacted into national legislation of many Member States of the WTO.", as Michael Gidney from IFAT puts it. Trade as just one item of regulation Nations should have the right to set up principles regulating trade at national and regional levels. WTO negotiations tend to marginalize governments and undermine national sovereignty. Bilateral bargaining and closed-negotiations (the famous "green rooms") tend to favour countries from the North. This means that national governments can be more reluctant to deal with the incidences of non-compliance with internationally agreed codes and standards by private companies. However, it is the role of states and governments and political bodies in general to build frameworks for living together, including the respect of principles like food sovereignty and security and the right to sustainable livelihoods (the same that have been declared at the United Nations). WTO limits the right of nations to defend such sensitive and important markets for the population, as are agricultural markets. They constrict the right to build regional agreements by very strict principles, that state that does should not be "trade diverting" and that obligations between signing parts should be as strict as WTO obligations are. This is an important issue, because the number of trade regional agreements has risen a lot since 1990, and many countries from the South are involved in those agreements (Mercosur, ASEAN). In 1992, before NAFTA was implement between Canada, the United States and Mexico, several farmers organizations from the two latter countries have signed an "alternative fair trade agreement".. In Latin America, the Alianza Social Continental talks about "social integration" instead of just "economic integration" (the FTAA). Fair Trade could be more involved in regional integration, and campaign for "regional fair trade agreements."
Challenges - Participating to or transforming the global economy ? Governments from the South are reluctant to talk about social and environmental conditions in multilateral negotiations, viewing all discussions of this type as a possible market barrier from the North. Part of the Fair Trade movement (FLO, Oxfam UK) has stepped out of this discussion, lobbying mainly for a greater market for products from the South, with the illusion that this would be enough to product development. The same occurred with the cotton initiative led by a group of West-African countries. Even though the argument is logical, it shows that the need for another type of regulation is not clear. The Oxfam UK campaign (Make Trade Fair) has been justly criticized because it focuses only on the issue of market access. The Fair Trade movement itself hesitates in the definition of priorities.
Do its practices aim only at inserting small producers in the global economy,
or also at transforming the global economy itself ?One part of the movement
insists on market access for products from the South, mainly tropical
primary products. But, as Peter Rosset director of Food First observes,
90% of the food produced worldwide is consumed domestically. Do we want
a model for only 10% of the world farmers? Another part of the movement
sets as a priority the transformation of existing regulations, by the
example of other types of socio-economic exchanges. It is necessary for
the movement to make alliances with other networks of the growing movement
that looks for alternative to liberal globalization in order to build
coherent initiatives incorporating fair trade principles as part of their
criteria. Strategies - Common tasks The notion of food sovereignty is emerging as a global legitimate demand of farmers movements and people worldwide. The Fair Trade movement, by specifying its position on crops and commodities, can join force with them. Pressure should be built to have it adopted by international institutions, such as the UN (within the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) and recognized by WTO and other multilateral institutions. Another issue we have to address is the access of information to governments and civil society, especially in the South, but also in the North. NGOs have showed they could play a role there. But research centres could be mobilized. Let's stress out that it is also a right to know and understand what you are negotiating on. As the G20+ has shown, you are in the right to stop negotiating when principles and information are not clear. "Our World is Not for Sale", a broad collation including Food
First, Friends of the Earth, Focus on the Global South, the Third World
Network has been very active in Cancun. The expertise of certain NGOs
has been very useful for governments to understand issues underlying issues.
Some Fair Trade organizations have taken part into this movement, however
most have just started to step out of their "apolitical" attitude.
Now is the moment to build stronger linkages. A transforming objective implies viewing WTO principles and the ideology that sustains it with a critical eye, and defending broader principles, most of which are already included in international agreements. Trade rules should take into account other international agreements, such as labour standards, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights integrate the notion of sustainable development, and respect environment agreements. The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights asked at the Third Ministerial Conference of WTO (Seattle, 30 November to 3 December 1999) on Nov. 26, 1999 that "WTO undertake a review of the full range of international trade and investment policies and rules in order to ensure that these are consistent with existing treaties, legislation and policies designed to protect and promote all human rights." This would mean putting WTO at its place, and radically reforming its procedures of negotiation and decision making, as well as its principles and ideology. As IFAT puts it "Fair Trade organisations comply with a rigorous set of voluntary standards and are committed to a rules-based trading system. Yet it is a fact that the majority of businesses continue to violate standards set out in the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Labour Organisation's Core Conventions, despite the fact that these internationally agreed standards have been enacted into national legislation of many Member States of the WTO." WTO is one of the only international regulating body that can decide coercive measures regarding states that don't comply its rules. For the time being, the measures taken by a country are judged according to the supposed commercial distortions generated, whereas nothing is said of the distortions led by arrangements adopted by the WTO on the socioeconomic and environmental development of a country, and the social, economic, cultural and environmental rights of its people. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund also pressure developing and developed countries to adopt their rules, without regarding social and environmental consequences. They should also be pressured to comply with social, economic, cultural and environmental rights of people.
In short, Fair Trade and social movements striving for "another globalization" (based on solidarity for instance), by acting together, can contribute to build a global framework, where the WTO wouldn't be an institution with more power than other multilateral institutions, and where the relationships between human rights (civil, political, economic, social, cultural), environmental right and the right to trade would be clearly defined and commonly accepted. These proposals would be the basis and precondition for a serious and respectful work between all countries and stakeholders (governments, companies, SMEs, unions, producers and consumers) on trade issues. The focus of negotiations on trade, within or without WTO, would then be dramatically changed. Trade would probably seen as just a part of life, and not as an aim in itself. The Fair Trade movement can be a valuable reference and illustration of how this can occur. I hope this meeting can be a useful opportunity to discuss how we can build stronger relationships, and a common framework for discussion, proposals and action. Of course, discussion within a multilateral environment, be it institutional or not, makes things particularly difficult. Numerous reasons for incomprehension are there : differences in languages, in contexts, or in cultures. But I have found that, often, the most difficult communication barriers are not due to language or nationality, but to the different perspectives of actors. Governments and there people don't always think alike, NGOs and farmers or producers either. Broader communication, mutual respect and listening will be necessary to move forward. The Fair Trade movement faces this specific challenge to gain a better balance between producers, consumers and NGOs. But it is determined to move forward in an open spirit and to make alliance with convergent forces, for a globalization of solidarity. |