| Workgroup
on Solidarity Socio-Economy--Alliance 21 Workshop on International Regulations |
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‚R|i‚UjContribution of Gail Hurley to E-forum Debates on Debt |
November 2004 Gail Hurley
Introduction The World Bank and IMF have produced a paper entitled "Enhanced HIPC Initiative - Possible Options Regarding the Sunset Clause". It was discussed by the World Bank's Executive Directors on 20 July and by the Fund's Executive Board on 30 July. The outcome of these discussions is not known at this time, however more formal proposals in relation to the sunset clause will be tabled within the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Progress Report scheduled for discussion just prior to Bank/Fund Annual Meetings in October. The paper provides a brief background to the sunset clause and discusses the implications of its expiry at the end of the year before going on to discuss four possible policy options and concluding remarks. Finally, it breaks down the potential costs of including the eleven eligible HIPCs currently excluded from the initiative. The annexes include profiles of these eleven countries, including Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) and HIPC status information.
The HIPC Initiative was established in 1996 by the international financial institutions (IFIs) under pressure from millions of campaigners who recognised that the burden of unpayable debt was seriously undermining any prospect of meaningful development in some of the worldfs poorest countries. A so-called gsunset-clauseh (end-date) of two years was stipulated within the programme to prevent it from becoming a permanent facility. This was justified as a way to minimise moral hazard but more importantly to encourage the speedy adoption of structural adjustment style reforms within beneficiary countries (on which debt relief is conditional), as well as limit the amount of debt relief committed by the multilateral institutions and rich country governments. Progress however was painfully slow with only a trickle of countries gon-trackh with their reform programmes and therefore able to reap any tangible results from the initiative. This failure prompted a two-year extension from 1998-2000. However, before this extension period had even ended, the initiative was genhancedh in 1999 in recognition that it simply wasnft going far enough. The so-called gEnhanced HIPC Initiativeh aimed to provide gdeeper, broader and fasterh relief for beneficiary countries. Nevertheless, two further extensions to the sunset-clause were still required in order to bring more HIPC countries into the initiative: in 2000 and again in 2002 with the present extension due to expire end-2004. Current State of Play As things currently stand, eleven eligible highly indebted poor countries have not reached their gdecision pointsh1 and have estimated net present value (NPV) of debt stocks in excess of HIPC thresholds.2 These countries are: 1. Burundi; Of these countries, six have had Fund or International Development Association
(IDA) supported programmes in place prior to the sunset clause date which
is required in order to qualify for HIPC debt relief. These countries
are: Burundi, Central African Republic, Republic of Congo, Cote dfIvoire,
Lao PDR and Togo. This leaves the other five countries (Comoros, Liberia,
Myanmar, Somalia and Sudan) ineligible for relief under the HIPC Initiative
unless they quickly put in place a Fund or IDA supported adjustment programme
before the end of the year. Possible Options Regarding the Sunset Clause
This option would provide more time for current non-eligible HIPCs plus
any other countries that may subsequently meet the eligibility requirements,
to become eligible for debt relief under the HIPC Initiative. EURODAD Comment The paper argues strongly for an extension of the sunset clause, i.e. options two, three or four, describing an extension as "desirable". We understand that the preferred option in Washington is option two, which would be "the simplest modality" in order to implement the G8 statement from the Sea Island Summit. This holds that G8 governments are fully gcommitted to fully implementing the HIPC initiative and to supporting debt sustainability in the poorest countries through debt relief and grant financingh and will gwork with other donors and the international financial institutions to extend the sunset date of the HIPC Initiative until December 31, 2006h. The paper also argues it would "avoid complicated modifications". However, this would embarrassingly for the WB and IMF, represent the fourth extension to the initiative. We argue that this demonstrates the severe technical shortcomings (and therefore credibility) of the initiative. The paper also recognises (and we agree) that a two-year extension is unlikely to provide enough time for many of these countries to meet the requirements for reaching their respective decision points since many are countries recently emerging from civil conflict. We ask therefore, will we be looking at a fifth extension to the HIPC Initiative end-2006? Questions should also be asked over any new restrictions or conditions countries may face as they enter the initiative under the fourth extension. Regarding option three (ggrandfatheringh a set of countries for a period of five years in order to reach decision point), countries would still be required to demonstrate a track record of adjustment reforms under the direct control of the Bank and Fund and there is still no guarantee that these countries will indeed reach their respective decision points within five years. In relation to option four (limiting debt subject to debt relief by using an end-2004 cut-off debt) - while this aims to eliminate the incentive to borrow post-2004 in anticipation of further debt relief, it clearly limits the debt stock subject to debt relief. This would have serious implications for the future debt sustainability of countries passing through the initiative because the calculation of debt relief to be awarded would be based on end-2004 debt data, ignoring new borrowings between end-2004 and decision point. It also treats countries that reach decision point after end-2004 differently than those that reached decision point beforehand. Moreover, all of the above options firmly leave the Bank and Fund in charge of calculations of debt sustainability within a country based on debt to export ratios, fiscal revenues, openness criteria, discount and exchange rate indicators. The paper points out that, gany of the options chosen will need to be complemented by actions being considered under the low-income country debt sustainability frameworkh3 and that these indicators constitute gall relevant parametersh for calculating debt sustainability. Instead, we maintain that a human development approach to debt sustainability is fundamental: i.e. that calculations of debt sustainability and debt service should be based on the cash a country needs to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other essential civil infrastructure, and only once these expenses are met should calculations about the level of debt to be repaid made. In any case, whether or not gopenness criteriah constitutes an indicator of economic growth and therefore debt sustainability is hotly contested by empirical evidence. More fundamentally however, we feel that none of the options presented
within this paper attempt to address the initiativefs most basic shortcomings
which are political, i.e. the HIPC Initiative has always been an initiative
created by creditors, for creditors. None of options two, three or four
attempt to remedy this imbalance while option one would, in the paperfs
own words, gleave the international community without a mechanism
for dealing with these debtsh. This seriously puts into question
the commitment of rich country governments and the international financial
institutions which they control to truly provide an exit from unsustainable
debt for the worldfs poorest countries despite the rhetoric.
continue more-or-less in its current form, delivering unsatisfactory relief to the world's poorest countries. Finally, in relation to costs, it is interesting to note that the total cost of including all eleven remaining countries would reach US$18,933mn of which US$6,990mn would be borne by the multilateral creditors and US$11,943mn by other creditors, including official and commercial creditors. Of this US$18,933mn, the cost of inclusion of Sudan alone is US$9,728mn. The total IMF contribution would amount to less than US$2.345mn out of pool of currency and reserve assets amounting to an estimated US$290bn at the exchange rate in 2000. Nevertheless, the IMF pleads poverty within the paper and argues that gno provision has been made in the IMF Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF)-HIPC Trust Fund for the financing of new potential HIPCsf debt relief beyond [the cases of Burundi, Central African Republic, Republic of Congo, Cote dfIvoire Lao PDR and Togo]. Additional grant resources would, therefore, need to be mobilised before IMF HIPC debt relief can be committed to new countries.h Whichever of the above options is finally selected, it is clear that the HIPC Initiative will remain essentially a simple exercise in gbook-keepingh i.e. above all, the programme serves to clear uncollectable debt from the creditors books and has precious little to do with debt sustainability in impoverished and indebted nations. Whether or not the eleven pre-decision point HIPCs are eventually included within the HIPC framework or not matters little: these countries currently pay very little (if anything) in debt service and are unlikely to simply pay up once the HIPC Initiative has been closed down. This of course, puts the international community in a very awkward situation. In this context, EURODAD urges debt campaigners to intervene to urge officials to think more broadly about the future treatment of highly indebted poor countries and press for the closure of this highly unsatisfactory initiative and the establishment of a new one based on a set of fair and transparent rules defined in equal partnership between debtors, creditors, the private sector, civil society, experts and academia. Key targets include of course your Bank/Fund Executive Directors and Finance Ministers. |