Subject: [cwj 61] Paying for war slaves
From: Corporate Watch in Japanese <cwj@corpwatch.org>
Date: Tue, 18 Jul 2000 16:01:58 -0700
Seq: 61
8th July 2000 The Economist Paying for war slaves The Japanese government should settle compensation claims for wartime slave labour, and do so quickly IF IT smells, put a lid on it, goes an old Japanese proverb. But it is the wrong prescription for the 30-odd lawsuits that have been lodged in California against Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and Mitsui on behalf of many Asians and some Allied prisoners of war who were forced into slave labour during the second world war (see article). The response of both the government and the companies to all such claims has been to point to the 1951 San Francisco peace treaty. Besides waiving "all reparation claims of the Allied Powers, other claims of the Allied Powers and their nationals" against Japan, the treaty empowered the allies to seize Japanese property to pay reparations to former servicemen. By 1952, America had seized $90m of Japanese assets and paid some of it to former prisoners of war. Germany made no such settlement after its defeat, says Japan, so the $5.2 billion fund organised by its government last year to compensate wartime slave labourers is not a precedent. This hard-line defence has fended off lawsuits in Japan itself. But it may not work in California. As German firms have found to their cost, there is now a well-organised lobby with political clout in America. The shameless theatrics of Edward Fagan, the American lawyer who championed the reparation claims against the German companies, look ominous. Mr Fagan launched his class-action suit against the Japanese companies on the anniversary of Pearl Harbour in December. There is certainly an unappealing whiff of blackmail about these latest suits. Yet a quick settlement of them is in all likelihood in Japan's commercial interests. Otherwise the hostility that has begun to build in America, where Japanese exporters sell so many goods, could do serious damage. A settlement would also be morally right, despite the passing of time. The surviving labourers, especially the many who were not POWs, have a strong case for compensation from somebody: the question is who. To land the bill on today's shareholders seems capricious. In many cases, the companies and their managers changed when Japan's pre-war zaibatsu were broken up. And it is hard to argue that today's shareholders have reaped huge benefits from uncompensated slave labour. The underlying perpetrator of these and other crimes was the then government; it is right that its successor should settle claims today, although companies might be invited to make voluntary contributions to any settlement fund. Guilty men There is another good argument for such a government-organised settlement. Demands for reparations are becoming entangled with the whole question of Japan's war guilt and contrition. One bill before America's House of Representatives demands, along with reparations, an apology from Japan for its war actions; California's state government has also asked for an "unambiguous apology". Exasperated Japanese officials maintain that the country has already satisfied foreigners wanting apologies. But the wording of these apologies suggests that the government is still seeking a compromise with those in Japan who are struggling to come to terms with the facts of Japanese history. In recent years, a stream of senior Japanese politicians has found it necessary to deny colonial brutality in Korea, the rape of Nanking in China or the ill-effects of Japanese expansion in Asia. The current prime minister, Yoshiro Mori, has himself wondered aloud in parliament whether Japan really launched a war of aggression against its neighbours. It is no wonder that allied prisoners of war, Asian slave labourers, "comfort women" and other victims should still be seeking justice. A government-sponsored settlement would be a welcome sign that Japan is at last coming to terms with its past. FAIR USE NOTICE. This document contains copyrighted material whose use has not been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. Corporate Watch in Japanese is making this article available in our efforts to advance understanding of ecological sustainability, human rights, economic democracy and social justice issues. We believe that this constitutes a 'fair use' of the copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. If you wish to use this copyrighted material for purposes of your own that go beyond 'fair use', you must obtain permission from the copyright owner. ------------------------------------- Corporate Watch in Japanese Transnational Resource and Action Center (TRAC) P.O. 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